Great Famine (Ireland)

The Great Famine, or Irish Potato Famine, which occurred between 1845 and 1852, is regarded as one of the most devastating famines in European history. In Ireland, this period is known as An Gorta Mór, meaning “The Great Hunger.” In English-language literature, it is commonly referred to as the Great Famine or Irish Potato Famine. Some sources also describe the event as a Silent Genocide or the Irish Catastrophe due to the scale of the affected population and the severity of its consequences.

The famine was not merely a natural disaster; it was a multidimensional humanitarian crisis deepened by political decisions, economic structures, and colonial governance. The outbreak of the fungus Phytophthora infestans, which destroyed potato crops, led millions to face starvation, caused mass deaths, and triggered forced migrations.

During these years, Ireland was a country under the control of the United Kingdom, governed from London. The laissez-faire economic policies implemented during the famine restricted central government intervention, while food exports continued despite widespread hunger within the country. These developments intensified the suffering of the Irish people and created lasting mistrust in relations with Britain.

At the same time, the humanitarian initiative of Ottoman Sultan Abdülmecid represented the international impact of the disaster and a rare example of solidarity between the Ottoman Empire and Ireland.

Causes of the Famine

Land System and Dependence on the Potato

In 19th-century Ireland, agriculture was central to the economy and livelihoods. However, this agricultural system was fragile due to social inequality and colonial land ownership structures. The majority of land was owned by landlords of British descent or those residing in Britain. Catholic Irish landownership had been largely prohibited by the Penal Laws enacted in the 17th and 18th centuries. As a result, Irish tenant farmers could cultivate land only by leasing it.

These tenant farmers typically worked their land under short-term, insecure contracts arranged through middlemen—Irish intermediaries. As access to land became increasingly restricted, the amount of land available to each farmer shrank, forcing them to maximize yields from these tiny plots. These conditions rendered Ireland extraordinarily dependent on a single crop: the potato. The potato was preferred because of its high yield on small plots, its nutritional suitability for both humans and livestock, and its ease of storage. Nearly all the daily caloric needs of an average adult were met by potatoes. Farmers relied on this single crop to provide energy for themselves and their animals, often having no regular access to any other food.

This economic and social structure created extreme vulnerability by tying the Irish population’s survival to a single agricultural product. When the fungal disease Phytophthora infestans began destroying potato fields in 1845, it did not merely trigger an agricultural crisis—it caused the collapse of the entire system. Millions of people, with no alternative crops or sources of income, faced starvation. Moreover, as production ceased, tenants unable to pay rent were evicted from their land and displaced en masse.

The famine in Ireland was directly linked to this unequal land system and the fragile, externally dependent economy centered on a single crop. The famine was not simply a natural disaster but the result of historically entrenched structural problems.

A depiction of the Great Famine (generated by artificial intelligence)

The Phytophthora infestans Outbreak

In the summer of 1845, the fungus Phytophthora infestans, believed to have been introduced to Europe via a shipment of fertilizer from America, rapidly infected potato crops and caused widespread rot. By 1846, nearly the entire harvest had been destroyed. The disease reappeared in 1847, transforming the crisis into a full-scale famine. This pattern continued until 1852.

British Government Policies

During the famine, Ireland was part of the United Kingdom under the Act of Union of 1801 and governed from London. Initially, under Prime Minister Robert Peel, the government attempted to alleviate hunger through limited interventions such as importing maize from America. Public works programs and relief commissions for the poor were also established. Peel also succeeded in repealing the Corn Laws, which had restricted grain imports, aiming to liberalize the market.

However, these measures quickly lost effectiveness. Peel’s government fell in 1846 and was replaced by a Whig administration that largely rejected state intervention in the economy, guided by principles of economic liberalism. Prime Minister Lord John Russell and his cabinet viewed direct state aid as inappropriate and significantly curtailed relief efforts.

Over time, public works projects, apart from the efforts of relief organizations, were also phased out. In many regions, the population was directed toward low-wage weekly labor under harsh famine conditions. Yet these projects were both inadequate and unsuitable for people already weakened by hunger and disease.

In the British press, particularly in The Times, Irish appeals for aid were sometimes portrayed as signs of laziness and ingratitude. Such reporting exposed not only the natural dimensions of the famine but also its political and social dimensions.

Consequences of the Famine

• Deaths: Approximately one million people died from starvation and related diseases.

• Migration: Between 1845 and 1855, approximately two million people emigrated from Ireland. The “coffin ships” used during these migrations were unsanitary and severely overcrowded; thousands perished during the Atlantic crossing.

• Population Decline: Ireland’s population, which exceeded eight million in 1841, dropped to six million by 1851. Direct and indirect effects of the famine led to a total of 4.5 million people leaving Ireland by the end of the 1920s.

The famine was not merely a natural catastrophe but an event that laid bare the consequences of British economic, political, and cultural control over Ireland. The manner in which the crisis was managed intensified anti-British sentiment in Ireland and fueled the movement toward independence. It also led to the mass formation of the Irish diaspora in America and British colonies.

International Aid

The Irish Potato Famine was one of the first global humanitarian relief efforts:

• India (Calcutta and Bombay): Total donations of £19,500.
• Quakers (American and British communities): Food, clothing, and seed aid worth £200,000.
• British Relief Association: Donations totaling £400,000 from Britain, the United States, and Australia.
• Choctaw Nation: A donation of $170.
• Pope Pius IX, U.S. President Polk, Jewish and Christian communities: Cash and in-kind assistance.
• Italy, France, Venezuela, Hong Kong, Antigua, Barbados: Countries that sent donations.

Ottoman Aid

Sultan Abdülmecid learned of the famine through an Irish physician in his court. He initially intended to send £10,000 in aid; however, after Queen Victoria donated only £2,000, the Ottoman contribution was reduced to £1,000 to avoid appearing to outdo the British monarch. Nevertheless, Abdülmecid ordered three ships to be dispatched carrying food and medical supplies. Due to the British navy blocking ports, these ships were redirected to the northern port of Drogheda.

Impact of Ottoman Aid in Drogheda

The aid provided by the Ottoman ships was not forgotten in Drogheda. In 1995, a commemorative plaque was installed in the town center in honor of this gesture.

Plaque in Drogheda town center (Anadolu Agency)

“In memory of the generosity of the Turkish people toward the Irish people during the Great Famine of 1847.”

In commemoration of this aid, Drogheda United Football Club incorporates the Ottoman crescent and star into its crest. Symbols of the Turkish flag are also displayed on various buildings in the town, ensuring that this act of assistance remains part of its cultural memory.

Crest of Drogheda United Football Club (Drogheda United)

Press Coverage

The Irish Potato Famine was interpreted differently by governments and the press of the time. In particular, the British newspaper The Times shaped public opinion and reflected government policy. Initially dismissing the severity of the disease, the paper later reported on conditions in Ireland but often did so with bias and accusatory language. The plight of the Irish was described using terms such as “national laziness,” “ingratitude,” and “irresponsibility,” and their appeals for aid were framed as politically dangerous and potentially insurrectionary.

This approach aligned with the prevailing British liberal economic ideology. The Times criticized those who advocated state intervention, arguing that market interference would cause long-term harm. Thus, while the paper somewhat supported Peel’s relief policies, it remained critical of the Whig administration’s perceived overreach. Yet even as hunger and destitution reached their peak, the paper’s tone toward Ireland remained cold, centralized, and detached. In contrast, some Irish priests and citizens wrote letters to the paper, vividly describing the horrors of the situation and openly condemning both government policy and media prejudice.

The Ottoman press, by contrast, presented the events in a more detached manner, relying on translations and reports from European newspapers. Publications such as Ceride-i Havadis and Takvim-i Vekayi informed the public about developments related to the famine, primarily reporting on initiatives such as public works programs and maize imports from America. These publications made no commentary on British government policies; instead, they focused on the causes of the famine, the spread of the disease, and the measures taken. They also reported neutrally on changes in the British government and the economic decisions made. Unlike the British press, no accusatory language targeting the Irish people or the British government was employed.

In conclusion, the press of the time followed two distinct approaches. The British press frequently interpreted the famine through political and ideological lenses, adopting a critical stance toward Irish demands. The Ottoman press, by contrast, prioritized information dissemination over interpretation, presenting the catastrophe to its readers through translated foreign reports. This difference reflects the contrasting political positions and levels of press freedom in the two nations at the time.

Ireland’s Great Hunger Museum

Ireland’s Great Hunger Museum (Músaem An Ghorta Mhóir) is a museum affiliated with Quinnipiac University in the state of Connecticut, United States. Established to commemorate the Irish Potato Famine of 1845–1852 (An Gorta Mór), the museum seeks to investigate the political, social, economic, and historical causes of this tragedy and to document its impact on the Irish people and the human rights violations that occurred during this period.

The museum houses the world’s largest collection of art related to the famine. This collection includes works by 19th-century Irish artists as well as contemporary Irish and Irish-American artists. Additionally, the Lender Family Special Collection Room within the museum provides a vital resource for researchers and students.

Ireland’s Great Hunger Museum (Irish Great Hunger Museum Website)

The museum was initiated by former Quinnipiac University president John L. Lahey and emerged from a process that began in 1997 with the theme of “Ireland’s Great Hunger” featured in the New York City St. Patrick’s Day Parade. This initiative contributed significantly to raising awareness and understanding of the Irish famine among broader audiences.

The museum does not merely offer a historical perspective; it also aims to introduce Irish culture and art. In this way, Ireland’s Great Hunger Museum serves as an important center for education and public awareness for both academic communities and the general public.