The Strasbourg Dancing Plague of 1518 is a well-documented example of a social phenomenon known as choreomania, observed in mainland Europe between the 14th and 17th centuries and characterized by irregular and uncontrolled dancing movements. This particular outbreak, which occurred in the city of Strasbourg (modern-day France) in the Holy Roman Empire, is notable for the hundreds of people who danced uncontrollably for long periods, as recorded in the chronicles of the time.
Chronology and Characteristics of the Event
The epidemic began in July 1518 when a woman named Frau Troffea (or Trauffea) started to dance "violently and uncontrollably" in the street. Historical documents state that Frau Troffea danced without any musical accompaniment, ignored calls for her to stop, and continued for hours. Following this incident, it was recorded that other individuals began to imitate her within days, and the number of choreomania sufferers rapidly increased. The number of participants exceeded 30 within a week and 400 within a month.
The dancers exhibited spasmodic, convulsive movements, flailed their arms, and had vacant stares. It was reported that they continued to dance despite physical injuries, with blood seeping from their swollen feet into their shoes. In addition to the compulsive movements, individuals afflicted with the dancing mania were said to have experienced various ailments such as chest pains, convulsions, hallucinations, hyperventilation, and epileptic seizures. Regarding whether the dancers died, although there are claims, particularly in later sources, that about 15 people died per day, contemporary records from the city of Strasbourg do not support these claims, and no sources mention deaths.
The authorities of the time were concerned by the increasing number of dancers. Initially, the Strasbourg city council, based on the humoral theory of the time, believed that dancing was caused by "overheated blood" and advised that the afflicted should "dance themselves to health." To this end, guild halls were arranged for dancing, and musicians were hired. However, this approach increased the contagion, triggering more people to join the epidemic.
Realizing their failure, the council banned public dancing and music. A religious approach was also adopted, believing the dancing to be a curse from Saint Vitus, who punished sinners by forcing them to dance uncontrollably. Frau Troffea was sent to the shrine of Saint Vitus in Saverne, and rituals involving red shoes, holy water, painted crosses, and incense were performed for the dancers. The dancing plague ended in September when the remaining dancers were taken to a mountaintop to beg for forgiveness.
Socio-Historical Context of the Period
The early 16th century, especially the years leading up to 1518, was characterized by significant economic hardship and widespread social stress in Europe. Strasbourg and its surroundings had experienced "disastrous events" such as floods, cold weather, and plague epidemics. In the period immediately preceding the dancing plague, failed harvests due to changing temperatures had led to "three consecutive years of famine," resulting in conditions of "severe famine, crop failure, and general destitution." The rapid increase in population and the influx of precious metals from the New World contributed to an inflationary trend throughout the 16th century, severely affecting grain prices and lowering the quality of life. The outbreak of syphilis in 1518 further exacerbated the existing hardships. These factors have been interpreted as creating a fertile ground for the emergence of mass psychogenic illness.
In 1518, Strasbourg was a city with a changing power dynamic, characterized by a mixture of medieval and modern elements. The city council represented everyone except the peasants and shared power with artisans and merchants. The Holy Roman Empire was also in a state of "imperial turmoil," with central power shifting to regional states and independent cities. Governments attempted to exert "strict control over the lives of ordinary people," but these efforts were often met with passive resistance. This transitional period has been associated with increased social anxiety and susceptibility to collective phenomena.
The early 16th century was also a period of profound religious turmoil throughout Europe with the beginning of the Protestant Reformation. In Strasbourg, the Reformation began early, and figures like Martin Bucer influenced the region. However, despite these reformist currents, the fear of divine punishment and popular religious beliefs, such as the cult of Saint Vitus, remained strong. The widespread belief that Saint Vitus could punish sinners by forcing them to dance uncontrollably provided a pre-existing cultural "template" for how such a "curse" might manifest. The clergy initially regarded the dancing plague as "the work of the vengeful Saint Vitus."
Academic Theories and Interpretations
Various academic theories have been proposed regarding the cause of the dancing plague:
Mass Psychogenic Illness (MPI) Hypothesis: This theory is the most widely accepted view today. American medical historian John Waller argues that the poor people of Strasbourg were "primed for a hysterical dancing epidemic" due to the extreme psychological stress caused by "brutal years" of famine, political instability, and the emergence of syphilis. He suggested that the dance was "a pathological expression of desperation and pious fear," stating that the belief in the vengeful nature of Saint Vitus caused the affliction to manifest as hysterical dancing. Waller describes the spread as "psychological contagion" and believes the dancers were in a "trance-like state," which allowed them to dance for long periods without fully perceiving fatigue or pain. Evidence supporting this theory includes historical precedents showing that every dancing plague in Europe between 1374 and 1518 occurred near Strasbourg, on the western edge of the Holy Roman Empire. Furthermore, parallels have been drawn with modern trance states observed in various cultures and with similar instances of psychological contagion, such as the Tanganyika laughter epidemic of 1963.
Ergotism Hypothesis: Some modern historians have suggested that the dancing plague might have been caused by ergotism, a condition resulting from the contamination of rye bread with the ergot fungus. Ergot fungi produce toxic and psychoactive chemicals, and ergotism (also known as St. Anthony's Fire) can cause symptoms such as twitching, jerking, convulsions, and hallucinations. However, John Waller and others largely reject the ergotism theory. Waller argues that "it is unlikely that those poisoned by ergot could have danced for days" because ergot restricts blood flow to the extremities, and that "not so many people would react to psychoactive chemicals in the same way." The lack of mention in the chronicles of other prominent symptoms of ergot poisoning, such as gangrene, which would be expected in prolonged cases, is also an argument against this theory.
Other Theories: Contemporary explanations ranged from supernatural beliefs (demonic possession or divine curse) to physiological imbalances (overheated blood). The physician and alchemist Paracelsus visited Strasbourg eight years after the event and viewed Frau Troffea's dance as a deliberate ploy to shame her husband, suggesting that other women imitated her. Modern alternative theories include the idea that it was a manifestation of religious ecstasy or a form of protest against severe socio-economic conditions. Darnel poisoning has also been proposed as a "robust theory," on the grounds that consumption of darnel contaminated with loline alkaloids could cause neuromuscular and cognitive symptoms consistent with dancing. This theory is linked to the idea of food contamination and is supported by the observation that dancing plagues often occurred in regions with feudal mill systems known as the "Banal Four." However, this theory also has limitations, such as a lack of definitive physical evidence.
Academic Debate and Lack of Consensus
Despite extensive studies, there is no consensus among contemporary scholars about the cause of the dancing mania. The phenomenon remains "inadequately understood," and past remedies were often based on guesswork. The debate primarily revolves around whether the cause was predominantly psychogenic, biological, or a combination of both. Although John Waller's theory of mass psychogenic illness is "the most widely accepted," it is still a theoretical framework and is subject to ongoing debate and criticism.
The controversy surrounding the death toll continues, as Waller's main sources were later narratives rather than contemporary city records. This is seen as a point of contention regarding the precise severity and nature of the event. The historical context, such as "Divine Punishment or Disease?", highlights that even contemporary observers struggled with dual interpretations (supernatural and natural), a struggle that continues in modern academic discourse between purely physical and socio-psychological explanations.
The 1518 Strasbourg Dancing Plague is often described as "an event caught between medieval and modern ideologies." This description points to the difficulties modern scientific methods of explanation face in understanding past events shaped by pre-modern beliefs. The event also reflects the difficulties in interpreting human behavior that cannot be easily classified.
The feeling of "inability to stop" experienced by the dancers remains a fundamental unsolved mystery. Some current approaches suggest that the interacting bodies involved in this event experienced a sense of collective action that eroded their sense of personal control. However, the precise cause of the event is still unknown. This reveals both the limitations of retrospective medical or psychological diagnoses and how the cultural beliefs of that era shaped such events. This situation also clearly demonstrates the limitations in interpreting historical sources.
Despite extensive historical and academic research, no definitive consensus has been reached on the single cause of the Strasbourg Dancing Plague. The event stands as a testament to the complex interplay of environmental stressors, psychological susceptibility, and cultural belief systems, demonstrating how these factors can combine to produce extraordinary collective behaviors. The ongoing debate highlights the inherent difficulties in retrospectively diagnosing historical phenomena, especially when relying on incomplete or culturally filtered contemporary records. The Strasbourg Dancing Plague, therefore, remains a compelling case study for understanding the intricate relationship between human suffering, collective behavior, and the evolving nature of historical and scientific interpretation.
