Torbeşler

Torbeşler are a Muslim community speaking Macedonian, settled primarily in the western and south-western regions of North Macedonia. In literature, this group is also referred to as “Macedonian Muslims,” but they themselves reject this term^【1】, arguing that it functions as an assimilationist tool aimed at incorporating them into a Slavic ethnic identity. Moreover, there is no homogeneous self-identification within the community: some members identify as Turkish, others as Albanian, and still others as ethnic Macedonian.

^{Torbeşler (Generated by Artificial Intelligence)}

Various theories have been proposed regarding the ethnic origins of the Torbeş. One widely accepted view holds that they are descendants of Turkic tribes such as the Cumans (Kipchaks) and Pechenegs who settled in the Balkans prior to the Ottoman period^【2】. Over time, they abandoned their original Turkic languages and adopted Macedonian as their vernacular, while preserving their Turkish-Islamic identity. Conversely, the official Macedonian thesis classifies them as “Islamized Macedonians” and has sought since 1971, through institutions such as the “Cultural and Scientific Center of Macedonian Muslims,” to integrate them under a unified Macedonian ethnic identity^【3】. However, such efforts have not gained widespread acceptance within the community. The Torbeş have consistently defined themselves in terms of Islam and Turkishness rather than Macedonian ethnicity. Academic studies on the Torbeş, however, go beyond categorizing them merely as “Muslim Macedonians.” Many researchers argue that the Torbeş share a common origin with the Pomaks and Goranians and trace their roots to the Pecheneg Turks who were present in the Balkans since the 9th century. Some sources also suggest a connection to the Avars^【4】.

According to one folk etymology, the term “Torbeş” derives from “dört-beşler,” meaning “four-fivers,” referring to four or five critical historical periods during which the Cumans were forced to change their ethnic identity. In Ottoman archives, this community was originally designated as Türkbaş. Over time, phonetic shifts led to its local pronunciation evolving into “Torbeş.” This interpretation is regarded as one of the official pieces of evidence regarding their origins. Christian neighbors in western Macedonia have also used alternative names for the group, such as “Potur” (Poturi) or “Kurki”^【5】.

The Russo-Turkish War of 1877–78 (the 93 War) and the subsequent Balkan Wars of 1912–13 marked the beginning of a mass exodus of Muslim populations from the region toward Anatolia. After World War II, the communist regime in Yugoslavia implemented policies of atheistic propaganda, religious repression, and violations of property rights, triggering a new wave of migration in the 1950s. Policies aimed at homogenizing the population and severing ties to religion compelled the Torbeş to leave their ancestral lands and migrate to Türkiye, which they regarded as their homeland. During this period, thousands of Torbeş families arrived in Türkiye with limited resources.

The Torbeş who migrated to Türkiye were perceived as a community that spoke no Turkish but identified as Turkish and Muslim. In the early years after migration, their use of Macedonian led some local communities to misunderstand them or treat them as “foreigners.” Since speaking Turkish was considered a fundamental criterion of citizenship in the nation-building process of the Turkish Republic, their path to acquiring nationality and social acceptance was initially difficult. However, shared religious identity and Turkish affiliation enabled these challenges to be overcome quickly. Indeed, Ziya Gökalp anticipated that Torbeş speakers of Macedonian would eventually adopt Turkish due to their Muslim identity:

“The individuals constituting a nation are not today those who speak the nation’s language. Tomorrow, those who will speak this language will be among this group. For example, today the Pomaks speak Bulgarian and the Muslims of Crete speak Greek, yet tomorrow under the influence of Islam they will learn Turkish and abandon their current languages. Thus, the members of a nation are defined not only by their language but also by their religion.”^【6】   

North Macedonia’s current demographic structure is built upon the centuries-long coexistence of various ethnic groups, including Macedonians, Turks, Albanians, Serbs, Roma, Vlachs, and Torbeş. It is estimated that the Torbeş population, who reject the label “Muslim Macedonian,” numbers between 70,000 and 80,000^【7】. Bougarel, however, estimated their population at 90,000 in 1990^【8】.

Under demographic and administrative policies implemented by the Macedonian state, the Torbeş are officially categorized within the Macedonian population in state statistics. As a result, their exact population figures cannot be determined due to their inclusion in the Macedonian category. However, according to their own declarations, the Torbeş population across Macedonia ranges between 100,000 and 150,000. Turks constitute approximately 4 percent of Macedonia’s total population^【9】. According to the Macedonian Constitution, communities exceeding 5 percent of the total population gain “people” status rather than minority status. If the Torbeş were officially recognized as Turkish, the combined Turkish and Torbeş population would approach 10 percent of the total, granting them a constitutionally stronger status. However, the Macedonian government’s obstructive policies toward such demands have prevented this outcome.

The exclusion of the Torbeş from the 2001 census as a distinct ethnic category is seen as concrete evidence of this approach. Similarly, the Ohrid Framework Agreement signed in the same year was negotiated solely between Macedonian and Albanian parties, excluding Turks, Serbs, Vlachs, Torbeş, and other minority groups^【10】.

A distinctive feature of the Torbeş is the asymmetry between language and religion. Although they speak Macedonian in daily life, the presence of Turkish vocabulary and religious terminology embedded in their speech shapes their worldview^【11】. Culturally, Ottoman-Turkish influence is evident in all aspects of life, from wedding traditions and culinary practices to religious holiday celebrations.

Although linguistically close to the Slavic world, the Torbeş fully belong to the Turkish-Islamic civilizational sphere in terms of sentiment and identity. For many Torbeş families, speaking Macedonian as a mother tongue is not a choice but a historical necessity; therefore, they place great emphasis on ensuring their children learn Turkish and are raised according to Turkish traditions to preserve their cultural identity.

Torbeş identity has been a major political battleground in modern Macedonian history. Macedonian nationalism pursued a strategy of assimilating the Torbeş as “Muslim Macedonians,” leading to the establishment in 1971 of the “Cultural and Scientific Center of Macedonian Muslims”^【12】. The primary aim of this state-backed initiative was to detach the Torbeş from Turkish and Albanian influences and integrate them into the Macedonian national identity. However, such identity-building efforts failed to gain acceptance within the community and instead provoked confusion and resistance. Today, while a large majority of Torbeş identify directly as “Turkish,” there are also subgroups who declare themselves Albanian or Macedonian for political or regional reasons.

Since the 1990s, North Macedonia has imposed restrictions on Turkish-language education and closed Turkish-language schools. The closure of Turkish-language classrooms or the refusal to open new ones in regions such as Radoviš, Debre (Jupa), and Kırçova has been perceived by the Torbeş community as a cultural attack^【13】. In 1993, the Macedonian authorities rejected demands for Turkish education on the grounds that the Torbeş were not ethnically Turkish, triggering mass protests by families^【14】.

During this period, although many Torbeş had lost their original language over time, a significant portion asserted their Turkish origins—a view that received considerable support within the community. This identity claim was taken into the political arena through the Macedonian Turkish Democratic Party (TDP), which actively campaigned for Turkish-language education for Torbeş children. Indeed, at a 1990 meeting organized by the TDP’s Kırçova (Kičevo) branch, attended by approximately 600 people, Torbeş families collectively agreed that their children should be taught Turkish instead of Macedonian. However, Macedonian authorities responded by offering only three hours per week of optional Turkish lessons, a proposal that Torbeş families viewed as inadequate and symbolic^【15】.

For approximately five years following independence, official authorities ignored petitions signed by 262 Torbeş parents requesting that their children receive Turkish-language instruction alongside Macedonian-language classes^【16】. In their petitions, parents clearly stated their Turkish heritage and demanded Turkish education for their children. The government, however, rejected the request, insisting that the Torbeş were not Turkish but “Macedonian-origin Muslims.”

When authorities refused to open Turkish-language classrooms, families began sending their children to the Necati Zekeriya Primary School in the village of Koçacık, approximately nine kilometers away, which provided Turkish instruction. This practice was soon halted by police intervention. In response, approximately 60 parents—mostly elderly—launched a hunger strike. On the 25th day of the strike, a temporary solution was reached, and the enrollment of 171 students from Jupa was accepted at the school^【17】.

^{The Struggle of the Torbeş Community in the 1990s (Generated by Artificial Intelligence)}