The major cities of Brazil draw attention not only for their architectural grandeur, natural wealth, or cultural diversity, but also for their informal settlements. Among these areas, the most notable are those generally referred to as “favelas,” which are settlements that have developed outside the scope of official urban planning. These neighborhoods, particularly widespread in metropolises such as Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, emerged as spatial manifestations of the housing problems faced by the social groups marginalized by Brazil’s modernization process.

The historical roots of favelas are linked to the political and demographic transformations Brazil underwent in the late 19th century. Initially built by displaced soldiers, these structures gradually became the primary form of housing for impoverished populations migrating from rural areas to major urban centers. Developing outside of planned urban policies, these neighborhoods persist without legal guarantees such as building permits, access to infrastructure, or property titles. This condition creates a profound exclusion not only in terms of physical circumstances but also with respect to socioeconomic status, access to citizenship rights, and participation in urban life.

Favelas are spaces in which the inequalities embedded in Brazil’s social structure become visibly manifest. Although a significant portion of the population resides in these areas, they have often been excluded from formal policy agendas and, at times, targeted by repressive measures. Government interventions in these neighborhoods have typically taken the form of security-oriented operations or high-profile redevelopment projects. However, most of these efforts have aimed not at eliminating structural problems, but rather at reducing the visibility of such issues.

Today, favelas function not only as a form of shelter but also as domains of lifestyle, identity construction, and social solidarity. While they are often portrayed as spaces dominated by poverty, crime, and non-state authority, they also host vibrant social fabrics where music, sports, and collective cultural production flourish. This dual character allows favelas to be interpreted not only as loci of deprivation but also as sites of resistance, solidarity, and identity.

^{Favela (Jooh Vitor)}

Spatial Segregation, Social Inequality, and Racial Codes

The place occupied by favelas in Brazil’s urban landscape represents not only a physical configuration but also a systematic form of spatial segregation. Although these neighborhoods are often located in close proximity to city centers, they are settlements lacking legal status, excluded from urban planning, and deprived of basic infrastructure services. Despite their physical integration with the city, these areas are symbolically declared as "outside the city" and stand as tangible indicators of socioeconomic separation. Positioned on the margins or boundaries of official city planning, favelas have come to bear social meanings that go beyond the physical environment over time.

This segregation is not solely spatial in nature but also grounded in racial and class-based codification. The majority of the population living in favelas consists of Afro-Brazilians and low-income groups. The distance between the white, middle- and upper-class urban population and favela residents is defined not only by income levels but also by skin color, cultural practices, and degrees of access to citizenship rights. These neighborhoods, densely populated by Black individuals, can be interpreted as spatial reflections of intra-urban racial segregation.

In this context, the structural characteristics of favelas become even more apparent when compared with other forms of urban exclusion on a global scale. For instance, structural parallels can be drawn between the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and the African-American ghettos of New York. In both cases, spatial segregation is the outcome of historically shaped social inequalities and reflects the racialized preferences embedded within urban policies. The exclusion of these neighborhoods from formal policy agendas simultaneously deepens the problem of representation for their communities. Areas where the state remains largely absent become spaces where individuals cannot access citizenship rights equally and are rendered invisible.

Another dimension of spatial segregation is shaped by property relations. The vast majority of favela residents do not legally own the land they inhabit. This situation generates a constant threat of eviction and reinforces a sense of impermanence and instability in urban life. Social exclusion is linked not only to poverty but also to structural dispossession that perpetuates that poverty. For this reason, favelas are not merely temporary settlements but are the result of compulsory survival strategies developed by individuals who are deprived of urban rights.

^{Favela (Mateus Castro)}

Crime, Security Policies, and Non-State Authorities

Favelas in Brazil are not only sites of spatial and socioeconomic exclusion but also areas where gaps in security and the weakness of state authority can be observed most explicitly. In these neighborhoods—especially concentrated in the peripheries of major cities—structural neglect combined with the systematic withdrawal of local administrations from providing security and infrastructure services has created a fertile ground for the emergence of non-state authorities. Drug cartels, organized crime networks, and local “boss” figures have filled this vacuum, imposing their own hierarchical structures and rules.

In many favelas, particularly in Rio de Janeiro, drug trafficking has become not only a source of income but also a mode of governance. Institutionalized forms of crime prevail in these regions. These informal authorities—who assume responsibility for local security, discipline, and even social order—often provide more effective and more permanent mechanisms of control than official state security apparatuses. In some areas, police forces are not even allowed to enter, and no external intervention can occur without the consent of the local “boss.”

One of the public policy initiatives developed to address this situation was the implementation of the UPP (Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora / Pacifying Police Unit) in Rio de Janeiro. The primary aim of the UPP was first to suppress violent criminal activity and then to rebuild state presence by introducing social services into these areas. However, this policy encountered various limitations in practice. Although temporary successes were achieved in some areas, the lack of long-term investment in the social and economic infrastructure required for lasting transformation rendered the initiative's overall impact limited. Moreover, certain practices of the UPP, particularly incidents involving police violence and arbitrary enforcement, undermined public trust and weakened civic support.

Security in favelas should not be viewed solely as a matter of combating crime. It must also be assessed as a multidimensional issue, concerning residents' legal status, access to citizenship rights, and everyday life practices. Recognition of an individual by the state is not limited to legal documentation; it is also directly related to whether one’s living environment is secure, orderly, and accessible to public services. In this context, most residents of favelas live under conditions of “partial citizenship”: participation in the informal economy, lives disconnected from official records, and limited access to fundamental rights such as healthcare and education demonstrate that the state’s presence is spatially fragmented.

Another dimension of the security issue relates to tourism. Some favelas—especially through international media and documentary narratives—have been exoticized and transformed into “touristic experience” zones. During guided tours, the private lives of local residents are put on display, while “silent agreements” are made with local criminal organizations to ensure the safety of tourists in exchange for certain payments. From this perspective, the issue of security in favelas is not only about combating crime but also about foundational questions such as how public authority is established, by whom it is represented, and to what extent this representation is deemed legitimate. These areas, where the state has withdrawn and local structures have established alternative orders, lie not only at the heart of Brazil’s social fabric but also at the center of contemporary urban governance debates.

^{Favela (Andreas Ebner)}

Cultural Identity, Collective Memory, and Transformation Initiatives

Favelas are not merely spaces of poverty, exclusion, and crime; they are also stages for collective identity, cultural production, and social solidarity. Despite challenging living conditions, a strong sense of belonging, mutual support, and community consciousness has developed in these neighborhoods. Cultural practices that emerge particularly in the fields of music, dance, street art, and sports have made favelas an integral part of Brazil’s cultural fabric. The emergence of music genres such as samba and funk carioca from these neighborhoods clearly demonstrates the cultural production potential of favelas.

In this context, favelas are not only passively marginalized spaces, but also active subjects that negotiate with the dominant culture by producing their own cultural codes. Collective memory functions as a social archive that records how these neighborhoods have historically taken shape, what kinds of struggles they have endured, and what forms of resistance they have developed. Individuals raised in favelas often sustain this memory through music, storytelling, community events, or local symbols. This collective memory serves not only as a physical but also a symbolic constitutive element of space.

One of the most tangible examples of collective solidarity and identity formation is the initiation of social projects by individuals who have grown up in favelas and achieved national or international success, and who later return to their communities. Such initiatives are frequently seen, particularly through football. For instance, Brazilian football star Cafu launched education- and sports-based projects in the favela where he spent his childhood; however, the depth of structural problems has made it difficult to generate lasting transformation. Another dimension of cultural identity concerns how favelas are represented on an international scale. Especially in recent years, media, cinema, and the tourism industry have portrayed favelas as either “exotic” or “dangerous,” creating a discourse that both arouses curiosity and reinforces stigma. Practices referred to as “favela tourism” turn the daily lives of local residents into spectacles of observation.

Transformation initiatives in favelas encompass not only cultural but also spatial planning efforts. Projects such as “Favela-Bairro,” implemented especially in Rio de Janeiro, aimed to integrate these neighborhoods with the rest of the city by facilitating access to infrastructure, healthcare, and education services. However, because these projects were implemented without establishing adequate participatory mechanisms, they have not always responded to the actual needs of the local population. In some areas, transformation projects have resulted in dispossession or displacement, thereby undermining the spatial and cultural sense of belonging among favela residents.

Favelas are not only spaces of poverty and violence but also of social resistance, cultural vitality, and alternative forms of citizenship. Reducing these areas solely to social problems means ignoring their internal dynamics and historical continuity. Therefore, understanding favelas requires a holistic analysis that incorporates both spatial and cultural dimensions.