Mahmud Abbas (1935–) is a politician who has held senior positions within the institutional structures of the Palestinian National Movement and Palestinian Authority. He was among the founding members of Fatah and served as the head of Fatah, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and the Palestinian Authority (PA).^【1】Abbas is also known by the name “Abu Mazen”.^【2】 He was born on 15 November 1935 in Safed/Safad.^【3】 In 1948, he migrated with his family to Syria and became a refugee.^【4】 He led the negotiation team during the 1993 Oslo process and is considered one of its architects.^【5】 He served as Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority in 2003 and was elected President of the Palestinian Authority in January 2005 with 62 percent of the vote.^【6】 He has authored over 60 books in Arabic, gaining prominence through works such as The Road to Oslo, From Oslo to Palestine, and Three Years after Oslo.^【7】

Childhood and Education

Mahmud Abbas completed his primary education in Safad. After the 1948 Nakba (Catastrophe) and the subsequent Israeli occupation, he left Safad with his family and, like many other Palestinians, migrated to Syria as a refugee.^【8】 At the age of 13, Abbas worked for two years to support his family’s livelihood, continuing his education at home during this period. He later returned to formal schooling and completed his secondary education.^【9】 After secondary school, he studied law at University of Damascus and graduated with a law degree in 1958.^【10】

Mahmud Abbas’s educational journey was reshaped following his forced displacement to Syria. After relocating with his family from Safad to Damascus in 1948, he worked for many years to support himself while intermittently continuing his education.^【11】 He completed secondary education in the early 1950s and enrolled at the Faculty of Law of Damascus University. He graduated with a law degree in 1958; during this time, he became politically engaged under the influence of rising debates on independence and identity in the Arab world.^【12】

During his university years, Abbas joined solidarity associations formed among Palestinian students and played an active role in the social and political organization of Palestinian youth in Syria. In the late 1950s, alongside his legal studies, he pursued independent readings in history and international relations, developing ideas on Arab nationalism and Palestinian movements.

After completing his education, he briefly worked as a teacher in Qatar and from 1957 onward served as a public official within Qatar’s Ministry of Education.^【13】 During his years in Qatar, he established contact with Palestinian intellectuals abroad and prepared reports on economic planning and employment policies between 1958 and 1965. This technical role provided him with close insight into the functioning of Arab administrations.

In the 1960s, alongside his educational and professional activities, Abbas participated in political organizing efforts and built connections with Palestinian diaspora communities in Damascus, Doha, and Kuwait.^【14】 During this period, he came into contact with one of the groups that formed the initial organizational core of Fatah and became one of its founding members in 1965.

Mahmud Abbas earned his doctorate in Moscow in 1982. His doctoral studies were completed at the Institute of Oriental Studies of Moscow University, where his thesis examined “the relations between Zionism and the Nazi regime.” This thesis sparked debate within Palestinian political literature due to its historical and diplomatic context. During his years in Moscow, the Soviet Union’s influence in the Arab world shaped Abbas’s later diplomatic orientation.

In Moscow, Abbas studied the relationship between Soviet foreign policy and Arab affairs, advocating for the applicability of multilateral diplomacy to the Palestinian issue. He was influenced by Arab socialist movements and during the 1980s laid the theoretical foundations for the “negotiationist wing” within the PLO.

Abbas’s educational trajectory followed a three-phase path from the 1950s to the 1980s:

• Basic education begun in Safad,
• Legal education at Damascus University,
• Doctoral studies in Moscow.^【15】

This trajectory transformed him into one of the most educated leaders of the Palestinian political movement, enabling his specialization in international law, refugee issues, and negotiation.

Family and Private Life

As one of the leading figures in Palestinian politics, Mahmud Abbas has maintained a public life while keeping his private life largely out of the public eye. Abbas is married to Amina Abbas, and they have three sons: Mazen, Yasser, and Tareq (Tariq). Their eldest son, Mazen Abbas, died in 2002 in Qatar from a heart attack; Abbas’s commonly used kunya “Abu Mazen” is associated with this familial context.^【16】

Early Professional Experience and Qatar Period

Mahmud Abbas taught for a period at the secondary education level and continued his studies at home.^【17】 In 1957, he joined Qatar’s Ministry of Education, a position he held until 1970.^【18】 During the same period, he earned his law degree from Damascus University in 1958.

The title of his position in Qatar is described differently in various sources: The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates’ biography states that in 1957 he served as “director of employees affairs” at Qatar’s Ministry of Education.^【19】 The Palestinian Central Election Commission report records the same period under the title “human resources director,” noting that he traveled multiple times to the West Bank and Gaza Strip to select teachers for employment in Qatar.^【20】 The Palestinian Embassy in Italy’s profile states that he worked as “Chief of staff” at Qatar’s Ministry of Education between 1957 and 1970.^【21】

During his tenure in Qatar, it is documented that he successfully facilitated the employment of Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza Strip in various jobs in Qatar.^【22】 In 1970, he devoted all his professional efforts to the Palestinian cause. During this period, his association with Fatah was established in Qatar; a U.S. Congressional Research Service (CRS) report notes that he joined Fatah while in Qatar.^【23】

Rise within Fatah and the PLO

Mahmud Abbas’s national-political organizing activities began in the mid-1950s, when he co-founded a clandestine national organization with colleagues. This organizational groundwork led to the formation of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement, Fatah, which officially launched its activities on 1 January 1965.^【24】 During his time in Qatar, he joined Fatah and became part of its early cadre.^【25】

His institutional position within the organization was consistently documented from the mid-1960s onward. The Palestinian Central Election Commission’s 2005 Presidential Election Report lists his membership in the Fatah Central Committee since 1964.^【26】 The Palestinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates’ biography records the same starting date as “membership in the Fatah Central Council.” Within the PLO, he assumed membership in the PLO Executive Committee from 1980 onward.

During the 1970s and 1980s, while Yasir Arafat led Fatah and the PLO, Abbas was among Yasser Arafat’s senior aides and positioned within the inner circles of organizational decision-making. The European Union Election Observation Mission Report identified Abbas as one of the figures from Arafat’s “inner circle” and associated him with the core cadre that had long influenced Fatah/PLO politics.^【27】 The same report classified Abbas as part of Fatah’s “old guard,” linking this group to the PLO leadership that returned to Palestine in the mid-1990s during the Oslo process.

Institutionalization of Negotiation and Diplomacy Activities

Mahmud Abbas served as Director of the Negotiations Department within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) from 1974 to 2003.^【28】 From the 1970s, he initiated contact with Jewish and pacifist groups within Israel.^【29】 From 1979 to 1981, he chaired the Palestine-Jordan Committee. From 1984 to 2000, he headed the unit responsible for the PLO’s national and international relations. This same role is described in the Palestinian Embassy in Italy’s profile as Director of the “Arab and International Relations” Department between 1984 and 2000.

During the Oslo process, Abbas represented the PLO at the signing of the “Oslo Accord” on the White House lawn in Washington on 13 September 1993. The Palestinian Embassy in Italy’s profile gives the date of this signing as “31 September 1993”; the text reflects this day/month format.^【30】 Abbas signed the “transition agreement” on behalf of the PLO in Washington on 23 September 1995. The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) profile identifies Abbas as one of the key architects of the 1993 Oslo process and states that he led the Palestinian negotiation team that prepared the 1993 agreement.^【31】

In the Oslo channel, key Norwegian actors included Thorvald Stoltenberg, Johan Jørgen Holst, and Jan Egeland; the text notes their role in facilitating the first official contacts between the PLO and the Israeli government.^【32】 Abbas’s political stance, as described in the election observation report, was supportive of the Intifada but critical of the armed Intifada, which he regarded as a mistake and believed should be replaced by a negotiated solution.^【33】 The ECFR profile also defines Abbas as a figure who consistently advocated for political dialogue with Israel over many years.^【34】

The Oslo Process and the Agreement Era (1992–1995)

The Oslo process advanced through a direct and secret diplomatic channel facilitated by Norway, following the two-track negotiations initiated by the 1991 Madrid Conference. This channel enabled the establishment of official contacts between the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the Israeli government. During this period, the parties moved toward mutual recognition, culminating in the signing on 13 September 1993 of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (DOP / “Oslo Accord”).^【35】

The “secret channel” nature of the Oslo talks was evident in both the working methods of the negotiation team and its communication with leadership. Ahmed Qurie (Abu Ala) wrote that the Oslo delegation operated by receiving instructions from the highest level of the PLO leadership (in Tunis) before each round and providing briefings after each round; within this top circle were Yasser Arafat, Mahmud Abbas, and Yasser Abed Rabbo.^【36】 This narrative also records that before Oslo, limited informal contacts had occurred between Israeli peace movements, intellectuals, and political circles; during the Oslo channel, however, high-level secrecy became essential to reach an agreement.^【37】

In Norway, the process was institutionalized under the supervision of the foreign ministry and its officials. It is documented that Foreign Minister Thorvald Stoltenberg endorsed the process, and his successor Johan Jørgen Holst, along with his assistant Jan Egeland, played a catalytic role in establishing the first official contacts between the PLO and the Israeli government.^【38】

Mahmud Abbas was among the central figures in the institutional architecture of Oslo. The ECFR profile identifies Abbas as one of the architects of the 1993 Oslo process and states that he led the Palestinian negotiation team that produced the Oslo agreements in 1993.^【39】 Ahmed Qurie’s account also notes Abbas’s support for the efforts during the Oslo negotiations and records that Abbas gifted Qurie a copy of his 1994 book Through Secret Channels with an inscription.^【40】

It is known that Abbas signed the Oslo Accord on behalf of the Palestinians on 13 September 1993 at the White House and signed the “transition agreement” on behalf of the PLO in Washington on 23 September 1995. The Palestinian Embassy in Italy’s profile, however, gives the date of the signing of the Declaration of Principles in Washington as “31 September 1993.”^【41】

The “implementation agreements” phase of Oslo progressed through phased Israeli withdrawals and the establishment of limited self-governance arrangements. The UN chronology notes that the implementation agreements following the 1993 DOP resulted in partial Israeli troop withdrawals, elections for the Palestinian Council and the Palestinian Authority presidency, partial releases of detainees, and the establishment of an administrative body operating in Palestinian self-governance areas.^【42】 The CRS report also records that after Norway’s secret diplomacy, the PLO recognized Israel in 1993 and that the Oslo agreements opened a limited self-governance area for Palestinians.^【43】

The Oslo process also revealed divisions within Palestinian domestic politics around the negotiation line. The EU Election Observation Report links Abbas to the PLO leadership that returned to Palestine in the mid-1990s during the Oslo process; it notes that Abbas supported the Intifada but viewed the armed Intifada as a mistake and argued it should be replaced by a negotiated solution.^【44】 The 2005 Election Report, in its candidate biographies, notes that Mustafa Barghouthi resigned from the Madrid negotiation team due to the continuation of Israeli settlement activities, thereby highlighting how Oslo kept alive debates in Palestinian politics over “legitimacy and method.”^【45】

Executive Experience in the Palestinian Authority

The Palestinian Authority (PA) operated as a hybrid structure with separate executive and legislative branches; the PA President shared executive powers with the government, while the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) assumed legislative functions. During Yasser Arafat’s tenure, much of the executive authority was effectively concentrated in Arafat’s hands, a situation that long fueled calls for “reform.”^【46】

Mahmud Abbas became the first Prime Minister of the PA in March 2003. At the same time, Arafat, as PA President, retained ultimate decision-making authority and control over security services; as a result, Abbas could not exercise full powers in the prime ministerial role. Abbas resigned from the premiership in September 2003, citing tensions with Arafat and dissatisfaction with the process underway with the United States and Israel.^【47】

Following Arafat’s death on 11 November 2004, the Basic Law’s Article 37/2 mandated that elections be held within 60 days, and the date of 9 January 2005 was set.^【48】 The 9 January 2005 election was the first presidential election since the 20 January 1996 vote, in which approximately 75 percent of voters participated and Arafat won decisively.^【49】 On 12 January 2005, the Central Election Commission (CEC) convened in Ramallah and announced its final results after releasing provisional results on 10 January.

In its 12 January 2005 announcement, the CEC reported that Mahmud Abbas received 501,448 votes, or 62.52 percent; Mustafa Barghouthi received 156,227 votes, or 19.48 percent; Tayseer Khaled received 26,848 votes, or 3.35 percent; Abd Alhalim Ashqar received 22,171 votes, or 2.76 percent; Basam Al Salhi received 21,429 votes, or 2.67 percent; Assayed Barakeh received 10,406 votes, or 1.30 percent; and Abd Al-Karim Shbair received 5,717 votes, or 0.71 percent. Invalid votes totaled 30,672 (3.82 percent), blank votes 27,159 (3.39 percent), and total votes cast 802,077.^【50】

The Commission noted that most complaints concerned illegal campaigning on election day, actions by candidate representatives, and the conduct of CEC personnel; no complaints were filed regarding the vote-counting process.^【51】 Post-election verification found that 504 individuals voted more than once and 84 individuals were under 18 years of age; these names were referred to the Public Prosecutor’s Office on 23 February 2005.^【52】 Abbas won the 2005 presidential election; when his four-year term expired in 2009, the Fatah Central Council extended his term indefinitely until new elections were held.

Recent Politics and the Succession Question

The International Crisis Group’s 1 February 2023 report addresses how reports on Mahmud Abbas’s advanced age and health have made the “next leader” issue a central agenda item in Palestinian politics.^【53】 The report notes that the risk of a crisis has increased in the event of Abbas’s sudden death or incapacitation; however, both Fatah and Palestinian Authority circles regard public discussion of the issue as politically risky for maintaining stability.^【54】 The same report emphasizes that the succession pathway remains institutionally “closed and fluid,” with no clear, universally accepted procedure, making the process largely dependent on power balances and de facto decisions.^【55】

The most prominent executive step in 2024 was the institutionalization of the “reform” agenda through the prime ministerial position. Reuters reported on 14 March 2024 that Abbas appointed Muhammad Mustafa as Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority, noting that the appointment occurred amid mounting pressure to reform and revitalize PA institutions.^【56】 At this point, Abbas is positioned as the “most powerful figure” within the Palestinian Authority; the new government move is linked to the will to respond to external actors’ demands for “change in governance.”

In 2025, a direct institutional step to address the succession issue was the creation of a position analogous to “vice president” within Fatah. On 24 April 2025, after a two-day meeting, the Fatah Central Committee established the role of “deputy president” of the Fatah Executive Committee, which was formally designated as “Vice President of the State of Palestine.”^【57】 It was recorded that Abbas would select his deputy from among the 15 members of the Fatah Executive Committee and retain the authority to remove him from office. The decision was adopted by a vote of 170 to 1, with one abstention, a numerical detail that drew attention.^【58】

These institutional steps have proceeded in tandem with the goal of “single governance,” aimed at preventing internal Palestinian division.^【59】 On 21–22 July 2024, in Beijing under Chinese auspices, 14 Palestinian factions including Fatah and Hamas signed a national unity declaration. The declaration called for the establishment of a “single and unified” administration across Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, the holding of elections as soon as possible, and the creation of a temporary unified leadership mechanism—all steps serving this goal.^【60】 The declaration also called on Mahmud Abbas to begin consultations with the factions to form a unity government.^【61】