Turkish Mythology

Türk mythology is a comprehensive system encompassing the beliefs, rituals, and narratives developed by Turkic peoples since prehistoric times regarding supernatural beings, the origin of the universe and humanity, and their ancestors. Mythological narratives are found nearly everywhere Turkic communities have migrated. Turkic mythological elements spread across a vast geography—from the Central Asian steppes to the heart of Asia, from the Siberian steppes to Africa—and influenced these regions while also being influenced by them.

Turkic mythology centers on shamanistic elements alongside the belief in Gök Tanrı (Kök Tengri). In the universe created by the spirit of the sky, Tengri, countless nature spirits exist. Ancestor cult is also an important element of this belief system. Turkic mythology has been passed down from generation to generation through epics (Oğuz Kağan, Ergenekon, Manas, Dede Korkut, etc.), folktales, legends, and ritual practices.

The earliest written traces appear in Chinese annals and the Orkhon Inscriptions. After the adoption of Islam, Turkic bards and historians recorded the old epics, allowing the elements of Turkic mythology to persist within both oral and written tradition.

Shamanism is a collection of practices forming the foundational belief structure of Turkic mythology, centered on communication with spirits and natural forces. The “shaman,” known among the Turks as “kam,” is the religious figure, sorcerer, and spiritual leader of this belief system. The shaman enters a trance state to journey into the spirit world, communicates with supernatural beings on behalf of the community, makes prophecies, heals the sick, and conducts sacrificial rituals.

^{Kam Costume and Drum, Novosibirsk Museum, Russia (Servet Somuncuoğlu, Taştaki Türkler, p.176)}

In ancient Turkic society, the shaman served as a sorcerer, healer, and wise man. Prophecy, divination, exorcism of evil spirits, and ensuring the success of hunts were among his duties. In this sense, shamanism is not an institutionalized religion but rather a belief system operating at the individual and small community level, emphasizing practical efficacy.

Shamanism among the Turks (TRT2)

The ancient Turkic belief system was not limited to shamanic practices but also included a belief in a supreme heavenly deity. The national religion of the ancient Turks is commonly referred to as the Religion of Gök Tanrı (belief in Kök Tengri). According to this belief, there exists one supreme creator god named Tengri, who created both earth and sky. He bestowed kut (legitimacy) upon Turkic khagans.

In the Orkhon Inscriptions, this belief is expressed as: “Üze kök Tengri, asra yagız yer kılındıkta, ikin ara kişi oglı kılınmış”—meaning “When the blue sky above and the dark earth below were created, humanity was formed between them.”

This sentence reveals that the Turks held a cosmogony based on the triad of sky, earth, and humanity and regarded Gök Tengri as the creative force. Thus, in Turkic religion, Tengri is the supreme authority, while the kam serves as the intermediary between Tengri and humans.

During trance rituals, shamans play the drum (tebür), dance, and embark on cosmic journeys accompanied by melodies. According to Turkic belief, the universe is layered: Sky is the luminous upper world and, in some accounts, consists of seven, nine, or seventeen levels. The Underworld is the realm of darkness and has seven or nine layers. Humans live between these two realms, on the earth.

^{Kam Drum, Novosibirsk Museum, Russia (Servet Somuncuoğlu, Taştaki Türkler, p.176)}

A kam may spiritually journey to the upper or lower realms during rituals, but traversing each level requires great strength and experience. At the very top of the sky realms sits the benevolent deity Bay Ülgen / Ülgen, accompanied by good spirits. At the lowest level of the underworld resides the malevolent ruler Erlik.

Ülgen, in some traditions, is regarded as the son or representative of Tengri and assumes creative functions. Erlik (the underworld deity) rules over evil and the dead. In trance, shamans ascend to Ülgen through the symbolism of the world tree or a pole reaching to the sky, or descend to the underworld to bargain with Erlik. During these journeys, the shaman’s costume and accessories are of great importance: The kam’s robe is often adorned with bird feathers, claws, and metal pieces, reflecting the belief that the kam can fly like a bird to enter the spirit world. The attire of ancient Turkic kams frequently imitated the pelts of birds or animals; by donning this clothing, the kam assumed the form of his totem ancestor and acquired his power.

In the ancient Turkic belief system, reverence for nature spirits and the spirits of ancestors also holds significant importance. It was believed that every mountain, forest, and river had a protective spirit (İye or Yer-Su spirit). The ancient Turk offered sacrifices and, when necessary, performed animal sacrifices to appease these spirits. For instance, tying a cloth to a tree or leaving a piece of fabric at a spring was a widespread practice among the Turks and was regarded as a vow (adak) offered to these “yaygın” mountain-water spirits. Even after the adoption of Islam, the custom of tying cloths to the tombs of saints or to trees persisted among the people.

Throughout their history, the Turks have believed in religions such as Manichaeism, Buddhism, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, yet many elements of their ancient belief system continued to live on within these new faiths. Among the first Muslim Turks, the goddess “Umay,” who protected children and women, was interpreted as the “soul of the child” and remained in practice. Similarly, the kam (baksı) tradition continued in the form of ermiş dervishes.

Anatolia-bound heterodox Turkic dervishes included figures described as clad in deer skins or transformed into bird forms (Geyikli Baba, Hacı Bektaş Veli who entered the garb of a pigeon), representing the continuation of ancient belief motifs under Islamic garb.

In Turkic mythology, shamanism has endured both as a belief system and as a rich source of ritual and mythology, merging with the belief in Gök Tengri to form the ancient Turkic belief system.

In Turkic mythology, animals and natural elements were regarded as sacred and featured prominently in numerous legends and symbols. Some animals were accepted as ongun (totems), giving rise to specific taboos. Additionally, natural elements such as fire, water, tree, and mountain were considered ıduk (sacred), giving rise to rituals and beliefs surrounding them.

Turkic mythology includes various sacred animals such as the wolf, deer, eagle, and horse. Among these, the most significant are:

Wolf (Böri): The wolf is the oldest and most important mythological symbol of the Turks. In ancient Turkic belief, the wolf represents the first ancestor or protective spirit. According to some researchers, the wolf was the totem of the Turks in the earliest ages; by the time of the Göktürks, it began to be viewed as a sacred symbol. Many Turkic tribes trace their origins to the legend of the steppe wolf. In the Göktürk origin myth recorded in Chinese sources, a single surviving child of a Turkic tribe, after the tribe was destroyed by enemies, is nursed and raised by a she-wolf; from this union, a new lineage emerges, giving rise to the Göktürks.

This she-wolf is named Asena, and the Göktürk ruling family believed they descended from her. The Oğuz Kağan Epic also assigns a special place to the steppe wolf: A blue-maned, feathered wolf guides Oğuz Kağan on his campaigns, leading his army and showing the way. Thus, the wolf in Turkic epics embodies the sacred guide and ancestral figure of the nation. The wolf, deeply intertwined with steppe life, symbolized courage and freedom. According to Ögel, “The wolf is the most important symbol of Turkic mythology.” Frequent depictions of wolf motifs in the Pazyryk kurgans and carpets demonstrate its place in Turkic art and belief. While among the Mongols the dog cult was more prominent, among the Turks the wolf prevailed, constituting a distinct mythological motif. Even today, the wolf continues to be regarded as a national symbol in Turkish culture.

^{The Steppe Wolf Guiding Oğuz Kağan’s Army (Generated by Artificial Intelligence)}

Deer: In ancient Turkic and Altai legends, the deer plays a sacred role as an ancestor or guide animal. The motif of a hunter pursuing a deer is a key to reaching paradise or a mystical land in Turkic and Siberian narratives. For example, in Altai folktales, a young man enters the underworld or celestial realm through a magical deer; he passes through a copper mountain and encounters divine beings alongside the deer. The deer became a symbol of fertility and ancestral lineage among steppe societies from the Scythians to the Kyrgyz. In Turkic traditions, the Maral Ana cult (maral = female deer) exists; some Altai genealogies state that the first woman descended from a deer that came from the sky. The deer motif is also known among Turkmen dervishes who came to Anatolia. Geyikli Baba is a saint said to have ridden a deer and worn a headdress with deer antlers.

^{Geyikli Baba (Generated by Artificial Intelligence)}

These examples show that the deer motif continued as a sacred image even after Islam. In folk beliefs, the albız (fairy) seen in forests is sometimes imagined in the form of a deer; in some tribes, hunting deer was considered unlucky.

Eagle (Tuğrul): Eagles and other raptors occupy a place in Turkic mythology as symbols of celestial power and dynastic authority. Particularly due to their ability to fly close to the sky and nest on mountain peaks, eagles were regarded as divine messengers or sacred birds carrying souls. Among the Yakut Turks, the eagle was considered the animal housing the highest spirit, while the wolf lost its prominence and totemic status shifted to birds. In some Yakut tribes, nobility was linked to the eagle totem; eagle totemic tribes were considered noble. In mythological narratives, eagles protect humans or guide them. For instance, the legend of the Hungarian king Almos’s mother Ayıkız being impregnated by a falcon (shahin) is part of Turkic-Hungarian shared mythology. In Altai and Siberian origin myths, heroes are also said to have descended from an eagle or an eagle spirit.

The eagle is also a symbol of Gök Tanrı; some accounts describe eagle spirits atop Ötüken Mountain. Turkic shamans carried eagle talons and feathers on their robes and painted eagle images on their drums, believing this granted them a share of the eagle’s power.

Taboos also existed regarding eagles and other powerful birds: For example, the Yakut and Dolgan Turks avoided uttering the names of sacred birds like the eagle or swan, fearing to offend them. Even if they found a dead eagle in the forest, they would not touch it but instead bury it with ceremony. This belief stems from the notion that these birds carried sacred souls and that disrespect would bring misfortune. The eagle became a symbol of celestial power, royalty, and protection in Turkic mythology. The historical figures named Tuğrul (Falcon) Bey, descended from Oğuz Kağan, reflect the eagle’s status as a dynastic symbol.

Fire: In Turkic culture, fire is regarded as a purifying and sacred being. Mythological accounts state that fire was bestowed upon humanity by the deity. In the Altai creation myth, the god Ülgen sends down two stones from the sky—one white, one black; by rubbing them together, he teaches humans to ignite dry grass, thus creating the first fire. For this reason, fire was considered “sacred” (ot ızıt or od ana); great reverence was shown especially to fire kindled with flint stones. The Yakut (Saha) Turks do not use matches in rituals; instead, they produce sparks with flint to obtain “pure” fire, dismissing matches as “Russian fire” and refusing to use them in ceremonies.

In ancient Turkic homes, the hearth was sacred. The fire burning in the family hearth was regarded as the protective spirit of the family. Even today, traces of the hearth cult can be found among Turkish people in Turkey (to fall on one’s hearth, to plant a fig tree on one’s hearth, never to extinguish the hearth). Before Islam, fire purification rituals were widespread among the Turks. Fire was believed to be a purifying force that cleansed everything of evil. This belief gave rise to the custom of passing people and animals over fire to cure illness or ward off the evil eye. According to Chinese sources, the Göktürks and Uyghurs gathered a year after a lightning strike to sacrifice a sheep and purify the site; when lightning struck, they shot arrows into the sky and shouted to invoke the sky spirits. As a practice passed from ancient Turks to Byzantium, people passed between two fires (alazlama) before embarking on military campaigns or during epidemics.

Indeed, some Bashkir and Kazakh Turks continued the “alazlama” purification ritual by burning a greased cloth and passing people and animals through the smoke. Fire was never disrespected; no evil speech was uttered near it, nor was it extinguished with water, spat upon, or played with—all strictly forbidden. Such acts were considered grave disrespect. Belief held that fire housed the spirits of the home; extinguishing it harmed these spirits and brought misfortune. Even after Islam, in Anatolia, the phrase “extinguishing the hearth” came to mean the end of a family, demonstrating the persistence of the fire cult. In steppe tradition, newborn babies or new brides were spun around fire to purify them and protect them from evil spirits. Fire divination was also common. In the Manas Epic, Manas’s father Yakup Han predicts the fate of brides by gazing into the fire.

The Turks offered sacrifices by pouring fat (tail fat or kımız) into the fire in a ritual called “ağız verme,” thereby nourishing the fire. This shows that fire was perceived as a living being from whom blessings were sought. In ancient Turkic belief, the fire cult and the hearth cult are inseparable; thus, rituals performed around the hearth symbolize both family unity and sacred purity and fertility. Jumping over fire during Nevruz is also performed to purify and ensure a fertile new year.

Water: In Turkic mythology, water is viewed as the source of life and is regarded as sacred. “Water” and “earth” are often mentioned together (Yer-Su), referring to the protective spirits of land and water. Particularly around still waters (lake, spring), it was believed that spirits and iyeler resided; rivers were approached with reverence. Many Turkic tribes regarded major rivers as ancestors and recited prayers when crossing them. In the Oğuz Kağan Epic, Oğuz’s respectful greeting to the Volga River exemplifies this tradition.

According to the Altai creation myth, the world originally consisted entirely of water; Ülgen was alone above the boundless ocean until soil rising from the depths formed the first landmass. This motif emphasizes water as the primordial element in Turkic cosmogony. Various mythological beings were imagined around water sources: The Su iyesi, or water spirits, were guardians of lakes and rivers. For this reason, the Turks avoided polluting water, especially still waters. Sacrificial rituals were also performed around water: The Kyrgyz, during droughts, offered white animals (beyaz renkli hayvan) as sacrifices to the water spirit.

Traces of water reverence appear in Islamic sources as well. Kaşgarlı Mahmud records the ancient Turkic custom of calling “lightning-spark water” ıdık su, referring to sacrifices left for water spirits. It is also recorded in Chinese sources that the Turks revered fire and water as sacred but ultimately worshipped only the creator of earth and sky, Tengri. This indicates that the sanctity attributed to water was not considered equal to that of Tengri. Nevertheless, water’s purifying and cleansing properties made it indispensable in rituals. For example, washing with “pure water” or sprinkling water over oneself (pre-Islamic water-sprinkling practices preceding ablution) were ancient customs. Turkic folktales feature the motif of ab-ı hayat (bengisu), the water of immortality; this water, flowing from beneath the tree of life, grants immortality to those who drink it.

In the Dede Korkut Book, Dirse Han’s son Boğaç Han is revived by his mother, who gives him a magical water, exemplifying the water of life motif. In the Orkhon Inscriptions, the Turkic khagan boasts, “I did not leave my people hungry, I did not leave them thirsty”; this phrase reflects not only a literal provision of food and water but also the ideal of ensuring prosperity for the nation.

Tree: The tree is central in Turkic mythology as a symbol of life and the universe. Turkic communities living in the steppe and forest zones of Central Asia revered long-lived and majestic trees as sacred. The tree of life motif holds a central place in Turkic belief. This motif depicts a cosmic tree at the center of the world, connecting heaven and earth. According to the Yakut Turks, the world was eight-cornered, and from its exact center rose a great tree reaching up to the Pole Star (Demirkazık). The Yakuts called this tree the iron tree; the star the Turks called “Demirkazık” was identified with the Pole Star and the tree of life.

The tree of life is generally thought to have seven or nine branches, each representing a level of heaven or a realm. In Altai myths, the first human was created at the base of a tree, or sometimes humans were said to have emerged from trees. For example, in some Altai myths, Ülgen uses a tree growing from the earth to create humans, whose offspring emerge from its fruits.

In the Uyghur origin epic, there is a legend of five children born from a luminous tree emerging from a lake, who became the ancestors of the Uyghur khagans. In this way, the tree is conceived as a fertile mother. One of the most widespread examples of the tree of life motif is the Turkic khagan’s belief in the genealogical tree: The Göktürks believed in a sacred pine tree located in Ötüken highlands that bestowed kut upon their royal lineage. This tree was also a symbol of political legitimacy. Tying wishes to sacred trees and offering sacrifices were common practices.

Additionally, trees such as cypress and juniper planted at graves were signs of respect for ancestral spirits. In the Orkhon Inscriptions, after the death of Köl Tigin, a stele called a balbal was erected, and the phrase “the dry tree turned green” appears, interpreted as signifying the ancestor’s spirit attaining peace and the hope of rebirth.

Although the tree of life motif received different interpretations under Islamic influence (e.g., the tree of paradise), it persisted in folktales and seasonal festivals such as Nevruz. Even in the Dede Korkut Book, the pole planted before Bayındır Han’s tent can be seen as a reflection of the tree of life. The tree could also confer titles in Turkic epics: One of Oğuz Kağan’s grandsons was named Kıpçak (tree bark) because he emerged from a tree hollow.

The tree in Turkic mythology carries meanings of life, fertility, and cosmic connection and stands at the center of many rituals. Even today, Alevi Tahtacı Turks who work in forestry recite prayers before cutting trees.

Prayer Before Cutting a Tree (TRT Avaz)

Mountain: For the Turks, mountains were regarded as the closest places to God and as sacred places. The sight of high mountain peaks touching the clouds and appearing as blue silhouettes from afar led the Turks to imbue mountains with mystical meaning. The most sacred mountain of the Central Asian Turks is Ötüken. Ötüken Mountain was regarded by the Göktürks and Uyghurs as the sacred homeland and protective spirit of the state. In the Orkhon Inscriptions, Bilge Khagan emphasizes this when he tells his people: “If you dwell in Ötüken, your sovereignty will endure forever.” Ötüken is referred to as an “ıduk yer” (sacred region). The Altai Turks held the Altai Mountains in great reverence and dared not climb their peaks without purification.

Shamans invoked mountain spirits during rituals and used the phrase “han tengri” (mountain god) in their prayers. Mountains were also often regarded as the dwelling places of ancestral spirits. Indeed, in the Oğuz Kağan Epic, Oğuz prays at great mountains. In Turkic mythology, mountains are sometimes the direct seat of God. For example, in Altai myths, the motif of the Golden Mountain, where Ülgen establishes his throne, appears. The Kaf Mountains of Middle Eastern mythology were seen as the Turkic counterpart of iron mountains and associated with the mountain imagery in the Ergenekon legend.

Because of the sanctity attributed to mountains, customs developed such as leaving offerings when climbing them. In the 18th century, the scholar Lepechin, who studied the Bashkirs, wrote that they feared climbing the mountain called “Yürekdağ” without first leaving offerings (such as cloths), indicating the existence of a mountain cult. This reflects the belief that climbing a mountain without permission angered its spirit. Rituals such as lighting “mountain lamps” or “candles” honored mountain spirits. In Turkic epics, mountains appear as safe havens: The iron mountains surrounding the Ergenekon valley became the site of the Turks’ rebirth. For the Turk, the mountain is a sacred, protective, and powerful being; oaths were sworn upon it (“I swear by the Mountain God,” as in Kyrgyz oaths), and kurultays were held at its foothills. Even after Islam, the mountain cult did not disappear. Anatolian eren figures took up residence in mountains and lived in the people’s hearts as mountain saints.

In Turkic mythology, taboos developed around sacred beings and concepts. Disrespect toward sacred (ıduk) objects was considered a grave sin; actions that might offend them were avoided. For example, as noted above, spitting on fire or pouring water on it is strictly taboo. Similarly, harming sacred animals (wolf, eagle, swan, etc.) or uttering their names aloud was forbidden.

A Yakut Turk would never utter the name of his totemic eagle, using nicknames such as “ulu kuş” (great bird) instead. Even today in many parts of Anatolia, the steppe wolf is referred to as “börü,” “canavar,” or “yaban,” an example of this practice.

Iron was also regarded by ancient Turks as a sacred element; striking iron with an axe or cutting bread with it was considered unlucky (because iron was perceived as a “thunderstone” fallen from the sky).

Threshold, as the sacred boundary of the home, remained taboo to step on throughout the Turkic world, including Anatolia.

Disrespect toward the dead was a major taboo: Specific rules were observed among ancient Turks to avoid offending the spirits of the deceased. For example, mourners wore their clothes inside out and scratched their faces. (Ibn Fadlan, in the 10th century, records that among the Oğuz, people wore their clothes backward and tore their faces during funerals—a ritual to appease the dead.)

Similarly, organizing large feasting mourning ceremonies called yog was considered a duty.

At these ceremonies, food was offered both for the living and the spirit of the deceased; the deceased’s belongings, horse, and sometimes even his wife were sacrificed (practices observed since the Huns and Göktürks). Today, this mourning feast continues under names such as hayır, nezir, or ölü aşı.

Erecting balbals, placing a stone at the tomb for each enemy killed, was also a ritual to ensure the spirit’s peace. This practice is mentioned in Göktürk inscriptions and Ibn Fadlan’s travelogue.

The Turks also followed taboos in wish-making rituals: A person making a wish at a sacred site (yatır, tree, spring) would behave reverently, avoid speaking loudly, and not remove anything from the site.

Another taboo concerned sacred colors and directions. For example, the color white was considered auspicious and sacred, so white animals were sacrificed; conversely, black was associated with mourning and misfortune. The eastern direction, as the direction from which the Sun rises, was considered sacred, and yurts were oriented with their doors facing east. In the Dede Korkut tales, east, west, north, and south are frequently mentioned, each associated with specific colors and qualities (blue-east, white-west, black-north, red-south). As a result, the north (left side) was considered unlucky, while the right hand/right side was deemed authoritative.

Strict taboos were established to protect sacred elements in Turkic mythology, and these taboos reflected daily life behaviors as well as epic narratives. Although some taboos relaxed after the adoption of Islam (e.g., offering sacrifices at tombs instead of mountains), many persisted as traditional practices into the present day.

Turkic mythology contains rich myths about the origin of the universe and humanity. These cosmogonies often narrate the struggle between a benevolent creator and an opposing malevolent being, as well as the layered structure of the world. The most widespread creation narrative among the Altai and Siberian Turks is the dualistic creation motif. According to this myth, at the beginning there was an infinite ocean; neither earth nor sky had yet been created.

Only Ülgen (or Kayra Han), a god, floated above it. One day, Ülgen sees a small piece of earth on the water’s surface. The earth is a mass in human form. When Ülgen says “Be!” (“Come to life!”), this earth becomes human. Ülgen names this first human Erlik. After some time, Erlik desires to become stronger than his creator Ülgen and aspires to divinity. Defying Ülgen’s command, he attempts to disrupt the cosmic order. In response, Ülgen punishes Erlik by banishing him to the underworld, the realm of darkness, and commands him to remain there. Thus, Erlik becomes the lord of the underworld. Ülgen then sets about creating the earth and sky. Different versions exist regarding the creation of the first humans: In some accounts, Ülgen expands the earth rising from the ocean into an island, plants a tree upon it, and humans emerge from its fruits.

In another variant, Ülgen shapes the first humans from clay. Just as he is about to breathe life into them, Erlik breathes evil spirits into them, interfering with their fate. Thus, good and evil coexist within humans. Some sources state that the first man (Ata) was created by Ülgen, while the first woman (Eje or Umay Ana) was created with the assistance of the goddess Umay or Ülgen’s sister Kıdai.

In Yakut (Saha) Turk myths, the birth goddess Ayısıt, residing in the ninth heaven, creates human souls and sends them into mothers’ wombs. This is also part of the creation mythology. The Göktürk Inscriptions briefly mention cosmogony: The phrase “When the blue sky above and the dark earth below were created, humanity was formed between them” reveals that the Turks recognized a dual structure of the universe—upper (sky) and lower (earth)—with humanity existing between them. This phrase emphasizes that human creation is dependent on the creation of sky and earth. Additionally, a fragment of an Uyghur myth recorded in Kaşgarlı Mahmud’s dictionary describes humans as being created from clay; the creator is a deity named “Tengri Bayat,” and this account is thought to reflect Jewish-Christian influence. Indeed, some researchers note that the concept of creation ex nihilo entered Turkic creation myths later under Semitic religious influence.

In Altai myths, creation primarily involves shaping existing matter; the concept of creation ex nihilo was adopted later under external influences.

Another branch of creation myths is the Flood narrative, similar to the Noah’s Flood. Although this theme likely entered Turkic mythology later, it gained widespread popularity. According to one Altai Turk tradition, when humanity strayed from God’s path, the end of the world arrives: Gök Tanrı Ülgen commands a faithful follower named Nama to build a boat. Nama constructs a large vessel and fills it with animals. Then the Flood comes, and waters cover the earth. Nama survives in his boat. As the waters recede, Nama releases a crow, a raven, and a magpie, but they return immediately with news of decay. He then sends a dove, which returns with a twig in its beak. Nama realizes the waters have receded and land is visible. Nama and those with him disperse onto the earth. This flood story clearly originates in the Torah/Bible and spread among the Turks after the adoption of Islam.

Indeed, in Altai narratives, the boat’s owner “Nama” derives from the prophet Noah. In a tale compiled by Anohin, the hero who foresees the flood saves animals by building a raft fastened with iron nails; the flood is caused by the movement of a giant frog.

In another tradition, a horned iron goat (mountain goat) warns of the flood, wandering the mountain peaks for seven days, lamenting and warning the people. Clearly, in Turkic cosmogonies, the world is periodically reshaped by floods. Turkic mythology does not limit itself to creation but also includes a belief in a cosmic end (eschatology). Narratives about the end of the world have been collected among the Altai and Teleüt Turks. According to this belief, humanity will experience a Day of Judgment, called the Kalgancı Çağ (the age of those who will remain).

In this catastrophic time, humanity will sink deeply into sin, evil will dominate, and people will turn against each other. The benevolent god Ülgen will turn away from these wicked people, and demonic forces (Erlik) will approach the earth. Ultimately, a terrible war will break out between the good and the evil; fire will rain from the sky, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions will engulf the world. Millions will die, and only a very few will survive. The sky will be made of iron, the earth of yellow copper (the sky becoming as hard as iron, the earth as slippery as copper, no longer supporting life). Human stature will shrink, and children will no longer recognize their fathers. At the end of this chaos, only the benevolent god Ülgen will survive; he will cry out, “Rise, dead!” and resurrect the deceased.

Thus, the world will begin a new age.

This eschatological myth demonstrates that the Turks embraced a worldview based on the struggle between good and evil. After the adoption of Islam, this belief aligned with Islamic eschatology. In some variants, the signs of the apocalypse merged with Turkic legends. In Teleüt folktales, phrases like “the sky will be iron, the earth copper” describe the end of the world, and this expression survives in popular saying as “When the Iron Pole breaks, the apocalypse breaks” (Temir Kazık = North Star, the sky’s pillar).

Turkic creation myths emphasize that the cosmic order was established by divine powers and that humanity must pass a test within this order. Dualistic opposition (Ülgen-Erlik, good-evil, light-darkness) is prominent. These myths lived for centuries in oral tradition and were recorded in the 19th century by researchers such as Radloff and Potanin. Today, creation motifs remain alive in the myths of Turkic communities such as Altai, Saha (Yakut), and Hakas.

Turkic mythology contains rich symbols related to the sky and celestial bodies. For the nomadic Turkic peoples living under the open sky, Gök (God) was already the supreme being. Since Gök was concretely manifested through the Sun, Moon, and stars, they developed special cults around these elements.

In ancient Turkic belief, the sky was conceived as having up to seventeen layers, each inhabited by different spirits and deities. At the highest level, God Ülgen sits on a golden throne with his nine sons and nine daughters. The layers of the sky are the luminous “bright world,” the abode of benevolent spirits, in contrast to the dark layers of the underworld.

According to Yakut belief, the Pole Star (Demir Kazık) lies at the very top of the sky and serves as the axis of the heavens, around which the entire sky rotates. For this reason, the Turks called the North Star “Demir Kazık,” viewing it as the nail of the sky, the unsetting star. In some myths, a world tree stands at the top of the world’s axis, its crown resting on the Demir Kazık star.

Sun (Kün or Gün) and Moon are sacred celestial bodies in Turkic mythology. Altai Turks call the Sun “Sun Mother” and the Moon “Moon Father,” gendering the Sun as feminine and the Moon as masculine, reflecting the Sun’s life-giving, warm, and nourishing qualities and the Moon’s calm, night-lighting presence. Although ancient Turks did not worship the Sun and Moon separately, they held them in great reverence. For example, among the Altai Turks, it was customary to swear oaths by the Sun; it was believed that lying in the Sun’s name would bring severe punishment.

Greeting the Sun at sunrise was a common practice. Among some Turkic tribes descended from Oğuz, “Gün öğürmek” (honoring the Sun) is recorded. Ancient Turks believed the Sun’s representative on earth was fire; fire thus acquired sacredness as a small copy of the Sun. In Yakut tales, great heroes are protected by the Sun and Moon, regarded as their children. In this belief, the Sun and Moon are concrete deities: Yakut shamans’ robes feature iron and silver rings representing the Sun and circular white motifs representing the Moon.

In Altai myths, two of Gök Tanrı’s daughters are identified as the Sun and Moon. Some Altai legends describe the Sun as a female spirit carrying fire and the Moon as a male spirit carrying silver light. Solar eclipse and Lunar eclipse were explained in Turkic mythology as attacks by evil spirits on these celestial bodies. According to Altai and Yakut belief, the Sun and Moon sometimes engage in battles with giant dragons or evil spirits; when they are defeated, eclipses occur.

During a solar eclipse, Altai Turks made loud noises, beat drums, and shouted, believing this would frighten the evil spirits and rescue the Sun. This ancient tradition persists today among some Turkic and Mongol peoples (during solar eclipses, pots and pans are clanged).

Similarly, during lunar eclipses, people lit fires, clashed swords and arrows to create noise. Among ancient Turks, solar eclipse was especially considered unlucky, and immediate sacrifices were offered.

Stars, among which the Turks gave the greatest importance to Çolpan (Venus), were significant. Çolpan (the Morning Star), being the brightest star in the sky, was regarded as sacred; in some narratives, it was personified as a female spirit or goddess. Star motifs such as “Çolpan Hatun” appear in folktales. In the Turkic calendar, Çolpan’s appearance marked seasonal changes. The Turks also named constellations such as Ülker (Pleiades), Açkarık (Gemini), and Altın Kazık (Pole Star), as recorded by Kaşgarlı. In daily life, stars were used for navigation and time estimation, and they also held mythological significance. For example, in the Manas Epic, a hero describes time as “when the seven stars disappeared,” referring to the Ülker star cluster.

In Turkic mythology, lightning and thunder also carry supernatural meanings. According to Altai belief, thunder and lightning are the work of the sky spirits under Ülgen’s command and are controlled by Ülgen. A lightning strike was perceived as a sign from God. Therefore, ancient Turks regarded trees struck by lightning as sacred. If a piece of such a tree was taken and preserved, it was believed no evil spirit could enter that place. The Tuvan Turks, when lightning strikes, let their hair loose; this is an offering or sign of respect.

The ancient Uyghurs, when thunder rumbled, shouted and shot arrows; a year later, they gathered at the site of a lightning strike to sacrifice and bury offerings, aiming to appease and thank the sky. These records appear in Chinese sources.

The Turks did not remain indifferent to celestial phenomena; each was seen as a divine message or sign. The concept of layers of the sky presents an astronomical cosmology. As previously mentioned, Turkic belief held there were seven or nine layers of sky. In Altai shamanic prayers, “seven skies, seven seas, seven underworlds” are invoked. The Yakuts divide the sky into three main layers, each with nine sub-layers. At the highest layer resides Gök Tanrı; immediately below are the palaces of the Sun and Moon; lower layers contain the realms where stars and sky spirits dwell. According to some sources, shamans, during trance rituals, ascend through these layers one by one; a shaman who reaches the ninth layer is considered very powerful, and if he cannot return, his spirit remains eternally in the sky.

This multi-layered universe model reveals the Turks’ perception of depth and hierarchy in the cosmos. Each layer has a different color and element (for example, in the Er Töştük epic, the seventh sky is described as green). According to the Yakuts, at the very top of the sky reside Gün Ana (Sun Goddess) and Ay Ata; in the layer below, the spirits of the stars reside. This astronomical cosmology is a distinctive feature setting Turkic mythology apart from many other cultures.

Turkic astronomical beliefs also influenced daily life practices. Beliefs such as making wishes upon seeing the new moon or believing that a falling star signifies someone’s death persist in Anatolia today, rooted in ancient Turkic myths. The custom of shooting arrows into the sky, though symbolic today, is still observed during Nevruz festivals. This rich astronomical mythology demonstrates that the Turks deeply imbued celestial events with meaning and inscribed them into their cultural memory.

The most important carriers of Turkic mythology are oral narratives preserved as epics and legends. These epics were reimagined mythologically from historical events and transmitted the community’s collective memory and values across generations. Major Turkic epics include the Oğuz Kağan Epic, Ergenekon Legend, Manas Epic, and Dede Korkut Tales.

The Oğuz Kağan Epic is one of the oldest and most comprehensive epics of the Turkic world. It narrates the birth, youth, conquests, and dispersal of the lineage of Oğuz Kağan, regarded as the ancestor of the Turks. Although various versions exist, the best-known version was written down during the Uyghur period and summarized in Rashid al-Din’s Jami’ al-Tawarikh. According to the Oğuz Kağan Epic, Oğuz is a miraculous child born by the grace of Gök Tanrı. At birth, his face shone with a blue light; he refused his mother’s milk from the first day and ate meat; he grew to adulthood in a very short time.

This extraordinary birth signifies his status as a world ruler sent by God. As a child, Oğuz made a wolf pelt his garment and, after praying to Gök Tanrı, became a mature hero overnight. At a feast organized by his father Kara Han, he marries a girl who descends from a red light from the sky (Gün Hanım). From her, he has three sons (Gün, Ay, Yıldız). Later, he marries a girl found in a tree hollow in the middle of a lake (Gök Hanım), from whom he has three more sons (Gök, Dağ, Deniz). These symbolic marriages represent Oğuz’s union with heaven and earth, integrating all elements of the world. Oğuz becomes a great khagan at a young age and embarks on campaigns to conquer the world. The epic describes how Oğuz Kağan rules over sky, earth, and water and subdues all foreign lands.

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He launches raids from China to India, from Egypt to Rum (Anatolia). He defeats the western ruler Urum (Rûm) Kağan and reaches the west. When he arrives at the Volga River, he devises a plan, builds ships, and crosses. During these campaigns, a wolf from the sky guides Oğuz Kağan, leading his army and showing the way. This motif elevates the wolf as the guiding spirit of the nation. After returning victorious, Oğuz Kağan holds a grand feast and decides to divide his realm among his sons. He divides his six sons into two groups: Gün, Ay, Yıldız become the Bozok; Gök, Dağ, Deniz form the Üçok. Oğuz Kağan names the 24 grandchildren after various tribes, thus narrating the emergence of the 24 Oğuz tribes.

This genealogical scheme explains the legendary origins of the Oğuz-Turkmen tribes. At the end of the epic, after conquering the world and completing his mission, Oğuz Kağan prays to God and ascends to the sky or passes his authority to his grandchildren. The Oğuz Kağan Epic stands out for its rich mythological motifs. Light and wolf motifs demonstrate Oğuz’s divine support. Additionally, the epic features magical arrows and bows: When dividing his realm, Oğuz Kağan gives three silver arrows to the Bozok and three golden bows to the Üçok, symbolizing their future domains (arrows directed eastward to strike three continents; bows thrown westward). This detail adds a cosmic prophetic element. The scene of shooting arrows into the sky resembles the story of Mete Han (Mao-tun) recorded in Chinese sources, suggesting the conflation of Oğuz Kağan and Mete’s personalities.

Some historians argue that Oğuz Kağan is the Hun ruler Mete. The epic also features a wise character similar to Dede Korkut: Oğuz Kağan’s vizier, Uluğ Türk, advises him and recites prayers during the feast. This figure can be compared to Dede Korkut in the Dede Korkut Tales. The Oğuz Kağan Epic is like a summary of Turkic mythology: A khagan blessed by Gök Tanrı conquers the four corners of the world, rules the continents with the aid of supernatural beings (wolf, light), and ultimately passes his authority to his sons and reunites with God. In post-Islamic written versions, Oğuz Kağan was often equated with Hazret-i Nuh or Zülkarneyn and sometimes likened to Alexander. Yet at its core, it is a khagan myth born in the Central Asian steppe. This epic was narrated for generations, especially among the Oğuz tribes (Turkmens, Azerbaijanis, Ottomans) as a national legend, with traces found in sources from Kaşgarlı Mahmud (11th century) to Ebülgazi Bahadır Han (17th century).

Ergenekon is a legend narrating the rebirth of the Turks. This narrative, shared in Mongol and Turkic mythology, is considered a crucial motif regarding the origin of the Göktürks. The earliest source of the legend is Rashid al-Din’s 14th-century work, Jami’ al-Tawarikh.

The legend is summarized as follows: One Turkic (or Mongol) tribe’s homeland is invaded by enemies, and a great massacre occurs. Only one young man and one young woman survive (in some variants, they are a married couple or relatives). Fleeing from their pursuers, they take refuge among unknown mountains. They encounter towering iron mountains blocking their path. Finding a fissure, they enter and discover a mysterious, fertile valley. This valley, Ergenekon, is surrounded by mountains and cut off from the outside world, a paradise. They settle there and gradually multiply, becoming a powerful tribe. Four hundred years pass (some accounts say longer). The population of Ergenekon grows, animals multiply, and the valley becomes too small. They now wish to leave but are blocked by surrounding mountains. The tribe’s wise men then notice the mineral deposits in the mountains and decide to melt the mountain to escape. Master blacksmiths build a large furnace at one point on the mountain and begin heating and melting its ore.

They burn tons of wood and coal until the iron of the mountain melts and a passage opens. The tribe emerges and returns to their former homeland, defeats their enemies, and regains freedom. The tribe that emerged from Ergenekon, the Asena clan, became the ancestors of the Göktürks. The Ergenekon legend became a symbol of rebirth and liberation from captivity among the Turks. When the Göktürks rebelled and established the Second Göktürk Khaganate (late 7th century), they based their legitimacy on this legend. According to tradition, every spring (at the time of Nevruz), the Göktürks held a grand iron-smelting ceremony to commemorate their emergence from Ergenekon. The khagan would hammer the molten iron on an anvil to show the people. This custom symbolized the breaking of the chains of captivity. The melting of the mountain was not viewed merely as a technical achievement but as God’s act of recreating the Turks. The scene of exiting through the melted mountain is the epic’s climax, and through this scene, Ergenekon became an eternal symbol in Turkic history.

In some variants, the tribe emerging from Ergenekon is found and brought back to the ancient Turkic homeland by Kök-Börü (Steppe Wolf), integrating the wolf motif of the Göktürk origin myth. In the Mongol variant, the tribes emerging from Ergenekon are directly linked to the ancestors of Genghis Khan. Rashid al-Din himself notes that he Mongolized the legend.

In modern Turkmen or Anatolian Turkmen narratives, Ergenekon is portrayed as a hidden homeland escaped from tyranny. The phrase “melting the iron mountain” became a proverb meaning achieving the impossible. Another aspect of the Ergenekon legend is the sacred mountain theme. The mountain in the legend is akin to the Kaf Mountain of Middle Eastern mythology. Some researchers have also drawn parallels between the Ergenekon mountains and the Zülkarneyn Wall in the Qur’an’s story of Yajuj and Majuj.

Ergenekon is a legend offering hope to Turkic communities during difficult times. In 19th-century Turkey, this legend was revived; at the instruction of M. Kemal Atatürk, the Ergenekon Epic was written in Turkish in 1933 and read in Halkevleri, demonstrating its enduring importance in modern nation-building.

The Manas Epic is the national epic of the Kyrgyz Turks and one of the longest epic poems in the world. With a length exceeding 500,000 lines, it is a treasure of Turkic mythology. The epic narrates a three-generation heroic story centered on the Kyrgyz hero Manas, his son Semetey, and his grandson Seytek. The Manas Epic was preserved and kept alive for generations by bards called Manasçı. It integrates historical events (such as the Kyrgyz struggle against the Kalmuks and Kıtay) into a mythological narrative.

The summary is as follows: Manas is a hero of extraordinary power born in the Ala Mountains region. In his youth, he gathers forty yiğit (kırk çoro) and unites the Kyrgyz tribes. At that time, the Kyrgyz were under pressure from neighboring Kalmuk (Oyrat) and Chinese (Kıtay) forces. Manas wages war against these enemies and secures Kyrgyz independence. He also embraces Islam and conducts jihads: He launches raids against neighboring non-Muslim peoples and elevates Islam. Meanwhile, he marries Kanıkey in a grand wedding and gains fame for his heroism. Manas’s father is Yakup Han and his mother is Çiçek (names vary in different versions). Manas is killed by poison through treachery in battle. His forty çoro and people observe great mourning and bury him with a magnificent yog ceremony. His son Semetey grows up and avenges his father; then his grandson Seytek enters the scene. The epic’s mythological dimension arises from the interweaving of shamanic motifs and Islamic elements. A notable point is that although the epic is adorned with Islamic motifs, its essence is saturated with ancient Turkic beliefs.

For example, before Manas’s birth, his mother dreams of an old man with a white beard entering her; each of the forty çoro is protected by a spirit; Manas battles mythic creatures like Alp Karğa (giant eagle); the use of magic and charms—all these are reflections of ancient beliefs. Sacred places like Ötüken and divine names like Bay Ülgen are occasionally mentioned. When Manas dies, the Kyrgyz sacrifice hundreds of sheep and hold a grand feast (yoğ); they erect as many balbals at his tomb as enemies he killed. All these customs are pre-Islamic Turkic death rituals and are vividly preserved in the epic.

Abdülkadir İnan states, “The Manas Epic is filled from beginning to end with shamanic traditions,” emphasizing the preservation of its original structure.

The Manas Epic is also rich in miraculous birth and heroism motifs. Before Manas’s birth, his mother dreams of a white stallion, and Manas is said to be born from the stallion’s spirit, possibly reflecting a shamanic spiritual conception motif. When Manas is born, fairies are said to rock his cradle. Manas has a legendary horse named Ak-Kula, which, like the Norse Sleipnir, can speak and fly. Manas’s weapons are sacred; his sword is not ordinary iron but forged by thunder. These elements add mythological color to the epic.

The Manas Epic has served as a carrier of Kyrgyz identity for generations and was kept alive secretly even during the Soviet period. The epic was first written down in 1885 by the Kazakh Turkologist Şökeh Valihanov; later, renowned manasçılar such as Sagimbay Orozbakov and Sayakbay Karalayev collected and published large portions of it. Today, in Kyrgyzstan, the Manas Epic is accepted as a national symbol; the “Kümböz,” believed to be Manas’s tomb near Talas, is a memorial museum. The epic has also been included in UNESCO’s list of Intangible Cultural Heritage. This immense epic is like an open-air museum of Turkic mythology: It blends a wide spectrum of beliefs from pre-Islamic Tengrism and shamanic magic to ancestor cult and Islamic expressions.

The Book of Dede Korkut, or the Tales of Dede Korkut, is an anonymous work containing the epic tales of the Oğuz Turks, with written manuscripts dating to the 15th century. These tales were shaped during the period when the Oğuz tribes had just adopted Islam and were preserved orally across generations. The book contains twelve tales, each narrating the adventures of a hero from an Oğuz tribe. At the beginning and end of each tale, the wise, bearded Dede Korkut offers advice and intervenes in the story, hence the work is named after him. Dede Korkut may be regarded as a real bard or kam; he is the narrator of the Oğuznâmes.

The Dede Korkut Tales are the most important written witness to Turkic mythology in the post-Islamic period. Islamic elements are evident in these tales: Heroes pray to Allah, invoke Hazret-i Ali, and perform prayers. However, the plot structures and motifs are fundamentally rooted in ancient Turkic legends. For example, the tale of Tepegöz is one of the most mythic stories in the Dede Korkut Book. Tepegöz is a giant with a single eye on his forehead who devours human flesh. The Oğuz suffer great trouble because of this creature. Eventually, the hero Basat traps Tepegöz in his cave and kills him by removing his eye. Tepegöz’s dwelling in a cave, luring and devouring people, resembles the giant motif in South Siberian folktales.

This shows that the Dede Korkut Tales reproduce Central Asian folk motifs within a post-Islamic Oğuz context. The heroes in the tales (Salur Kazan, Bayındır Han, Bamsı Beyrek, Dirse Han, Kan Turalı, etc.) are representatives of the Oğuz tribes and semi-legendary, semi-historical figures. For instance, the tale of Bamsı Beyrek treats the “hero-lover” theme: Bamsı Beyrek spends 16 years in prison and, upon returning, finds his betrothed about to marry another; he undergoes various trials to win her back. Motifs such as escaping from an underworld prison and receiving aid from spirits are discernible. In the tale of Salur Kazan’s palace being raided, the effort made by Kazan Bey to rescue his son Uruz is narrated; dramatic scenes include Kazan attempting to sacrifice himself for his son, who stops him by saying, “Father, how will you face your wife after sacrificing me?” These scenes emphasize the importance of the hero-son relationship and family honor in ancient Turkic tradition.

Dede Korkut himself, throughout the tales, wanders the land, offers advice, and names characters. At the end of each tale, Dede Korkut appears, evaluates the events, and concludes with a prayer. For example, he names Bamsı Beyrek and recites prayers at Salur Kazan’s table. This figure is the continuation of the pre-Islamic kam/bard type. In the Dede Korkut Tales, mythological elements are covered by Islamic motifs. In the story of Basat killing Tepegöz, Tepegöz’s origin is described thus: A fairy maiden and a shepherd enter a relationship, and the fairy gives birth to Tepegöz. This clearly reflects the motif of a creature born from a union between a fairy (jin) and a human, found in ancient Turkic folktales where spirits or fairies marry humans and bear children. Similarly, the motif of wrestling with Azrail (e.g., Deli Dumrul’s struggle with Azrail to bargain for his life) is an Islamic version of the ancient theme of battling the soul-taker Erlik.

In the Dede Korkut Book, key elements of Turkic mythology—sacred places, totem animals, and magical objects—also appear. For example, the “Kara konuk ağacı” (Black Guest Tree) is mentioned, possibly a reflection of the tree of life. The giants who attack Salur Kazan’s herds are continuations of ancient monster figures. The horse cult is also highly significant: Each hero has a famous horse (like Bamsı Beyrek’s), and horses are almost sentient beings. These horses sometimes save their owners, weep with them. The Dede Korkut Tales, written down in the 15th–16th centuries, reflect a period when Oğuz culture was blended with Islamic motifs and provide rich information about the vernacular language and traditions. For instance, hospitality, respect for elders, and heroism are central themes. Some of these values originate in the pre-Islamic Tengrist worldview. The Dede Korkut Tales demonstrate the vitality of Turkic mythology in the late period. Academic circles have shown that motifs such as Tepegöz are rooted in Central Asia. Bahaeddin Ögel notes that the motifs in Dede Korkut are based on the essence of Turkic mythology, with only a superficial Islamic veneer. Indeed, the core of the tales consists of the pre-Islamic epic narratives of the Oğuz Turks, and Islam did not erase them but added a new layer of meaning.

The Book of Dede Korkut is a testament to how Turkic mythological elements continued in Anatolia. Thanks to this work, we today know the epic world of the Oğuz. The heroes and motifs of Dede Korkut still live today. For example, the term “Tepegöz” is used to describe large-built individuals or those with one eye; “Deli Dumrul” can describe reckless, fearless people. This demonstrates the influence of the epic as it seeped from mythology into language.

Our knowledge of Turkic mythology comes from various period written sources and a rich oral cultural heritage. These sources, collected across different geographies and times, illuminate various aspects of Turkic mythology.

The earliest written records are the Chinese annals and sources. From the 3rd century BCE, Chinese records contain legendary information about the Hsiung-nu (Huns) and other Turkic peoples. For example, the Northern Wei historical texts narrate the steppe wolf legend of the Göktürk origin. Chinese sources also narrate stories of Mete Han (Mao-tun) in a mythical style, using mythological elements to describe his youth. As Ögel notes, Mete’s youth is recorded in Chinese annals in a folkloric style, while his adulthood is described in a realistic historical style.

Another legend recorded in Chinese sources is the Aşina legend: A wounded young Turk boy is saved by a she-wolf, who becomes pregnant and gives birth to ten children who become the ancestors of the Göktürks. This record is the original version of the Göktürk origin myth from a she-wolf and appears in the Chou Shu. Chinese chronicles also mention the Turkic custom of shooting arrows into the sky: When thunder rumbled or during epidemics, the Turks shot arrows into the sky and shouted. This is interpreted as a ritual to send messages to Gök Tanrı or to drive away evil spirits. Chinese chronicles also record that the Uyghurs welcomed lightning strikes, burying offerings at the site of fallen lightning.

All these Chinese sources show that the core motifs of Turkic mythology (wolf, arrow, mountain, sky) were recorded in very ancient times. Alongside Chinese sources, information on Turkic mythology can be found in Sogd and Syriac sources and Byzantine records (e.g., the travelogue of Byzantine envoy Zemarchus notes that the Turks worshipped a golden statue, likely dedicated to Gök Tanrı).

Pre-Islamic Turkic written sources include the most important: the Orkhon Inscriptions (Göktürk Inscriptions) (8th century). These runic stone inscriptions reflect the official discourse of the Göktürk state and also mention mythological elements. Particularly in the inscriptions of Bilge Khagan and Kül Tigin, phrases regarding the creation of sky and earth, the belief that khagans received “kut” from God, and the mention of Umay Ana are found. The phrase “Above, the sky; below, the dark earth; between them, humanity was created” is a crucial sentence revealing the Göktürks’ cosmological understanding.

In the inscriptions, Bilge Khagan addresses his people: “I became khagan by God’s will,” demonstrating that the belief in Gök Tanrı legitimized the state. Umay is particularly mentioned in Kül Tigin’s inscription, where his mother is compared to “a blessed woman like Umay,” showing that Umay was known as a goddess of fertility and protection. The Orkhon Inscriptions also mention some mythological traditions: For example, lines refer to the “yog” (yuğ) funeral ceremony. This shows that the Turkic “death feast” tradition was still present in state language in the 8th century. Besides the Orkhon inscriptions, other ancient Turkic runic inscriptions, such as the Yenisei Inscriptions, occasionally contain mythological images (e.g., an inscription mentions “we offered sacrifice to Gök Tanrı”).

Post-Islamic historians and works played a critical role in recording Turkic mythology. The 13th–14th century Persian historian Rashid al-Din, in his work Jami’ al-Tawarikh on Mongol and Turkic history, extensively discusses the Oğuz Kağan Epic and the Ergenekon Legend. Although Rashid al-Din’s texts contain some variations, they are among the earliest Islamic-era records of these Turkic epics. In particular, the Ergenekon legend was preserved thanks to him.

In the 17th century, the Khwarezm ruler Ebülgazi Bahadır Han, in his works Şecere-i Terakime (Genealogy of the Turkmen) and Şecere-i Türk, narrates the Oğuz Kağan and origin epics linked to his own genealogy. Ebülgazi identifies Oğuz Han with Nuh’s son Yapeth (Japheth) and lists Oğuz’s sons as Japheth’s grandchildren. His version of the Oğuzname preserves motifs such as the steppe wolf, light, and sky maidens. Bahaeddin Ögel considers Ebülgazi’s work one of the most important sources of Turkic mythology. However, at the time Ögel wrote (1970s), a complete Turkish translation of Ebülgazi’s work did not exist.

Islamic geographers and historians also recorded some mythological elements. The 10th-century traveler Ibn Fadlan, during his journey to the Volga Bulgars, witnessed shamanistic practices among the Oğuz, Bulgar, and Pecheneg Turks. Ibn Fadlan’s writings include descriptions of Oğuz funeral rites, sacrifices of horses and belongings, and mourning rituals. For example, he writes that the Oğuz observed mourning for seven days after burial and believed they left food for the deceased’s spirit. He also observes that among the Oğuz, mourners cut their faces and wore their clothes backward.

Ibn Fadlan also records that a Bashkir tribe regarded a mountain as their idol, noting that the Bashkirs revered this mountain as sacred (likely a peak in the Ural foothills). These records show that some practices labeled as “idolatry” by Islamic geographers were rooted in Turkic mythological beliefs.

Kaşgarlı Mahmud’s Divanü Lügati’t-Türk is also an indirect source of mythology. While compiling a dictionary of Turkic languages, Kaşgarlı recorded many example sentences and cultural notes. For example, when explaining the word “Umay,” he interprets it as an angel or fairy but also notes it was the ancient Turkic protector goddess of children. He provides “kam” as the equivalent of “shaman.” He defines “yag” (yuğ) as the meal offered after a death. He explains the word “öd” (spirit).

Kaşgarlı’s notes are valuable for showing that Turkic mythological concepts were still present in the language of the 11th century. For example, although Islam was widespread among the 11th-century Oğuz Turks, Kaşgarlı mentions the custom of leaving food for the dead while still alive (yuğ aşı), demonstrating that the shamanic “feeding the dead” ritual persisted.

Oral tradition has been the carrier of Turkic mythology for centuries. Many legends, epics, and folktales not recorded in writing survived through bards and minstrels. The Kyrgyz Manasçılar, Kazakh Jırşılar, Oğuz/Turkmen aşık and ozan, and Altai kayçılar transmitted mythological material through music and poetry.

In the 19th century, Russian Turkologist Wilhelm Radloff and Finnish traveler G. Potanin collected and published Turkic folktales and legends from Siberia and Central Asia. Radloff’s work Proben der Volksliteratur and Potanin’s notes contain creation myths and epic fragments narrated by Altai and Yakut shamans. Thanks to these oral sources, our current knowledge exists.

For example, a creation story told by an Altai bard (the tale of Ülgen and Erlik shaping humans from clay) or descriptions of the world tree and sky journeys in Yakut shamanic prayers were transcribed and added to the mythological inventory. In Anatolia, oral tradition preserved many Central Asian-origin legends. Had the Dede Korkut Tales not been written down in the 15th century in the Akkoyunlu court, they might have been forgotten, but folk bards had kept them alive for generations.

Saltukname, among the menkibe books, narrates the legends of Sarı Saltuk and carries fragments of ancient Turkic beliefs (e.g., Sarı Saltuk slaying a dragon). Battal Gazi, Danişmendname, and other epics also preserved Turkic folk motifs under Islamic heroic garb.

Today, studies on Turkic mythology strive to integrate these diverse sources to complete the picture. Thanks to these studies, archival sources are coming to light and traces in living culture are being identified.