Vampires in Turkish Culture

In Turkish culture, vampires are multifaceted and layered supernatural entities that, after death, continue to exist in unnatural forms, haunting humans by consuming their blood or life essence. These figures appear in Turkish folk beliefs, historical documents, and literary texts as dark forces threatening both individual and social order. The phenomenon of vampirism in Turkish culture developed independently of Western traditions, within a native mythological continuity.

Although the vampire figure is particularly recognized in Western culture as an immortal, blood-drinking creature active at night, it appears in Turkish mythology in far older and more varied forms. In Turkish mythology, vampire-like entities have been known for centuries under various names such as hortlak, obur, cadı, alkarısı, yalmovuz, yek, yek içgek, kara koncolos. These beings have persisted not only in Turkish folk beliefs but also in historical records, travelogues, fatwas, literary works, and artistic expressions such as cinema and theater.

^{Vampire (Generated by Artificial Intelligence)}

The earliest known form of the word “vampire” is the Slavic upir. The term appears as a personal nickname in a manuscript dated 1047 and as the name of a malevolent spirit in 12th-century Russian church chronicles. These early examples indicate that the concept was already established in the medieval Slavic world. Although scholars long attempted to derive the word from Slavic roots, no Proto-Slavic origin has been conclusively established. Various researchers have linked it to verbs such as “to fly,” “to blow,” or “to drink,” but semantic and phonetic shifts render these theories inconsistent. In contrast, the view that the word has Turkish origins rests on stronger phonetic and semantic foundations.^【1】  The mythological entity known in Turkish communities since ancient times as ubır or obur resembles the Slavic upir in meaning and function.

The root of the Turkish word ubır/obur is the verb op-/up-, meaning “to swallow,” “to suck,” “to draw in,” or “to drink with a gurgling sound.” Derivatives of this verb were used in early Turkish communities to denote both “one who eats or consumes excessively” and “a malevolent spirit that drinks blood.” Among the Kazan Tatars, Bashkirs, Nogais, Chuvash, and many other Turkic groups, ubır still means “blood-sucker,” “hortlak,” or “vampire.”

The view that the word “vampire” entered Slavic languages via Turkish is supported by historical contacts. Turkic tribes such as the Pechenegs, Uzes, Cumans, and Volga Bulgars, who maintained close relations with the Rus’ between the 10th and 12th centuries, left cultural and philological traces across Slavic territories. It is understood that the Turkic belief in ubır was adopted into Russian during this period, and that the Russian form upir subsequently spread to other Slavic languages. The initial /v-/ and medial /m-/ developments observed in some Slavic variants can be explained as common adaptation processes in loanwords.

The entry of the word into Western Europe occurred in the early 18th century, following widespread publication in European newspapers of reports on vampirism, particularly the case of Arnaut Paole in Serbia. During this period;

• the German form vampyr,
• the French form vampire,
• and the English form vampire

emerged and rapidly spread.

The direction of transmission followed the path: Slavic languages → Central European languages → Western European languages. The factor accelerating the word’s spread was not merely folkloric interest but also social curiosity generated by official autopsy reports and scientific debates.

Although the vampire represents an ancient theme in world mythologies, the linguistic journey of the word appears as a chain extending from the Turkish-origin ubır/obur to Slavic languages and then to Western Europe. The Slavic form upir was transmitted to modern Western languages as vampire, thereby becoming a universal term in literature, cinema, and popular culture today.

• Yek / Yek İçgek / İçgek: The oldest and most ancient vampires. Associated with darkness, death, and blood.

• Obur: The most well-known vampire-like entity. A corpse that does not decay in the grave and occasionally rises to haunt the living. It is believed that oburs leap out at night to suck the blood of living beings. In folk usage, they are also called “hortlak.”

• Yalmavuz / Celmoğuz: A terrifying creature known by this name among Central Asian Turks. Described as a being that abducts and devours children and the defenseless. It carries both elements of fear and the supernatural, like a vampire.

• Cadı: Associated with sorcery, evil, and blood. In some accounts, witches possess vampire-like powers. Witches rise from the earth or graves, appearing terrifyingly with a piercing scream, and feed on the blood of corpses. On Saturdays, they cannot leave their graves; to neutralize them, a stake is driven through the center of their corpse and lime is poured over it to burn the body. If a witch is not properly subdued, she transforms into a blood-sucking entity that kills more children by sucking their blood through the soles of their feet. Such blood-sucking witches are called “vırkalak.”

• Albastı: A being believed to haunt newly delivered women and drain their souls. It overlaps with vampires in themes of blood, death, and fear.

• Erlik Han (Southern Siberia): Lord of the underworld. Directly associated with concepts of death, darkness, and blood. Mythologically, he possesses vampire-like traits.

• Celbegen (Altai Mountains): A creature that emerges from graves and consumes human flesh. Behaves exactly like a vampire figure.

• Emegen (Caucasus): Frequently appears in Turkic narratives, especially among the Karachay-Malkar Turks. Emegens are giant-like beings who drink blood and possess long lifespans.

In Ottoman culture, the concept of cadı was shaped through the interweaving of folk beliefs, particularly around female figures believed to possess supernatural powers. Witches were not merely individuals capable of performing büyü but were perceived as persons who communicated with malevolent entities and threatened toplum order. Within this context, functional and symbolic links can be established between the concept of cadı and vampire-like creatures.

Folk tales and legends played a major role in shaping the Ottoman perception of the cadı. The cadı was not merely an individual threat but could also be interpreted as an external manifestation of the community’s collective fears and repressed subconscious. In this sense, the Ottoman understanding of the cadı developed on a different foundation than Western witch trials, evolving more within the framework of folk beliefs and mythological heritage.

In Ottoman literature, the direct term “vampire” was not used; instead, concepts such as “cadı,” “hortlak,” and “kara koncolos” were employed. However, by the late 19th century, the term “cadı” underwent semantic expansion parallel to the Western vampire concept. This transformation is reflected in dictionary definitions and printed sources. For example, Redhouse’s 1890 dictionary defines “cadı” as “a superstitious belief that a dead person returns as a vampire.”^【2】  In Ottoman society, it was believed that cadıs rose after death, their bodies remaining uncorrupted, and disturbed social peace by throwing stones, moving objects, and possessing animals. It was thought that to neutralize them, one must drive a stake through the heart, decapitate them, burn them, or even throw them into a river.^【3】 

Official Ottoman records contain examples related to vampirism. The Ottoman Empire actively intervened against popular beliefs concerning corpses rising from graves, issuing fatwas at times to demand the elimination of such entities. From the mid-16th century onward, Ottoman kadı records include documentation of cases involving supernatural beings such as jinn and hortlaks.

Ottoman fatwas include rulings permitting the exhumation of corpses that have returned to life and disturbed the living. In such cases, the bodies were often pierced with stakes or burned. For instance, when corpses in a village rose from their graves and frightened the populace, local kadıs ruled that these individuals be identified as “vampires” and burned. Kadı records contain statements such as: “If newly deceased persons return and drink blood and commit evil, they must be killed.” 

The fear generated by entities identified as vampires was also perceived as a religious and cultural threat. Fatwas include warnings that such phenomena endanger religious and social order. Therefore, eliminating these beings was seen not only as necessary to protect public health but also as essential to maintaining social stability.

In 1826, the abolition of the Janissary Corps and the ensuing social chaos created an opportunity for vampirism to be used as a political araç. The Tırnova Witches Case is one example illustrating how vampirism was perceived by both the public and the Ottoman administration. During this period, another justification offered for the dissolution of the Janissary Corps was the portrayal of former Janissaries as “vampirized” individuals—violent, disruptive of established order, and inciting military rebellion—even after death.

The abolition of the Janissary Corps generated significant resistance among the public and within the administration. To quell this resistance, former Janissaries were publicly labeled as “vampires,” and it was claimed that they posed a threat to Ottoman society by disturbing the populace and inciting rebellion. Folk narratives invented during this time—that former Janissaries had risen from the dead and gained power by drinking human blood—served to unify society and the state.

^{Tırnova Witches (Generated by Artificial Intelligence)}

In this context, the Tırnova Witches became one of the metaphors used to instill fear among the populace. The political use of vampirism served the purpose of maintaining social order while simultaneously functioning as a tool employed by the Ottoman administration to control both the public and the military. While the abolition of the Janissary Corps generated serious public fear, a distinction was drawn between “vampirized” Janissaries and other “threatening elements” in society.^【4】 

Evliya Çelebi recounts supernatural events in the Pedsi (Fedz) village of the Hatukay region in the Caucasus, where Circassians lived. He mentions conflicts between Abaza and Circassian witches. The entities referred to as “vud” in these narratives are typically depicted as elderly women (kocakarı) and noted for their ability to transform into animals. Those capable of confronting them are called “tsışhu.” Although these figures do not drink blood, they are described as hortlaks—beings who remain alive after death and emerge at night.^【5】 

In a passage from his Seyahatname, Evliya Çelebi describes the term “obur” as follows:

“In the Tatar language, ‘obur’ refers to witches, sorcerers, and those who rise from their graves.”

In this definition, “obur” encompasses both female sorcerers and beings who remain alive in their graves. Thus, in Evliya Çelebi’s understanding, obur possesses characteristics of both a cadı and a hortlak/vampire. These entities, which do not decay in their graves, emerge at night, and harm humans, largely correspond to the concept of a vampire.^【6】 

Moreover, in Evliya Çelebi’s narratives, entities described as “cadı” in popular belief are also used synonymously with “vampire,” “karakoncolos,” and “hortlak.” According to Şemseddin Sami’s dictionary Kâmus-ı Türkî, folk beliefs identify cadıs as beings who wander at night like jinn, appear in terrifying forms, and harm humans.^【7】 

In 19th-century Ottoman satirical press, particularly in journals such as Diyojen, Tiyatro, Hayal, and Latife, witchcraft incidents were parodied and interpreted through the lens of social reality. Two witch cases in Karaferye (1872 and 1874) generated public fear; however, the satirical press treated these events ironically, revealing their absurdity. This perspective demonstrates how vampire-like figures were shaped in public consciousness and positioned somewhere between seriousness and ridicule.^【8】 

Ali Rıza Seyfi’s novel Kazıklı Voyvoda (1928) is recognized as the first vampire novel in Turkish literature. Eser is a free adaptation of Bram Stoker’s Dracula (1897). However, this adaptation is not merely a textual translation but also a cultural, ideological, and historical transformation. Seyfi fused the Transylvanian vampire figure with Ottoman and post-Republican Turkish identity to create a “yerli vampire” type.

The historical figure Vlad Țepeș (Kazıklı Voyvoda) is known as the prince of Wallachia (modern-day Romanya), who fought against the Ottomans. He earned this title due to his harsh punitive methods. This 15th-century figure became an object of fear in Ottoman and Balkan narratives. In Seyfi’s novel, however, Vlad is reimagined not as the West’s “dark other” but as the enemy thirsting for Turkish blood.

Roman begins with the journey of Azmi Bey, an Ottoman officer, to Transylvania. There, he discovers that Count Drakola is in fact Kazıklı Voyvoda and has come to Istanbul. Notable examples of localization in the novel include:

Instead of Christian motifs such as the cross, garlic, and holy water used against Dracula, the novel employs the Qur’an, the En’am-ı Şerif muska, and soil from the Prophet’s grave.

At the novel’s conclusion, the weapon driven into Dracula’s heart is not a Christian cross but a Daghestani dagger—a symbol of Turkish heroic tradition. The vampire figure is used as a metaphor for an “external threat” to the Turkish nation. Doctor Resuhi interprets the vampire’s thirst for Turkish blood as “hostility seeping into the nation’s veins.”

Seyfi’s novel is not merely a work of horror literature but also a text reflecting Turkish nationalism in the early years of the Republic. Count Dracula here is “an enemy from history” and “a plague thirsting for Turkish blood.” The heroes are idealized Turkish youth emerging from the War of Independence. The vampire’s destruction symbolically represents the defeat of the West, decadence, and moral corruption.

Kazıklı Voyvoda is not only the beginning of Turkish vampire narrative but also a local example within the global Gothic tradition. As Louise Walsh notes, the vampire is a trans-cultural Gothic figure. Seyfi reimagined this figure by reversing the Western orientalist gaze and drawing upon native fears and historical narratives. The vampire in the novel is not merely borrowed from the West. Elements of Turkish folklore—such as the Karadeniz witches, hortlak tales, and blood-sucking entities rising from graves that Seyfi heard in childhood—are directly embedded in the novel.

In Nazlı Eray’s work “Naz ve Köşkteki Vampir”, the vampire character is stripped of traditional frightening traits and presented as an aristocratic, refined, witty, and cultured figure. This illustrates how the vampire in Turkish children’s literature has been transformed from an object of fear into a likable, friendly being.

The vampire figure appears in Turkish children’s literature as one of the fantastical elements, enriching children’s hayal worlds through abilities such as flight, time travel, and invisibility. This demonstrates that the vampire has become an entertaining and educational element. Through the vampire character, the story explores human değerler such as friendship, altruism, and respect. In this context, the vampire is not merely a fantastical entity but also a vehicle for transmitting values to children. Although Turkish cultural types such as “obur” and “yek” do not appear directly in modern children’s literature, their cultural codes are observed to exert indirect influence on contemporary narratives.^【9】