April 27 E-Memorandum

27 April E-Memorandum is a press statement issued on the official website of the Turkish General Staff at around 23:30 on the night of 27 April 2007, and it carried the character of a military intervention directed at Türkiye’s 11th presidential election process.^【1】 This text, historically referred to as the “first e-memorandum,” differs from previous military interventions by being publicly announced directly through a digital platform. The statement emphasized the principle of secularism and highlighted the Turkish Armed Forces’ sensitivity on this issue.

The statement was published at a time when political tensions surrounding the presidential election had intensified, visibly exposing a clear divergence of views between the executive branch and the military bureaucracy. Immediately after its publication, the government issued a statement emphasizing that the General Staff was subordinate to the Prime Minister’s Office and clearly affirmed the supremacy of civilian authority within the framework of a democratic rule of law. This response has been regarded as a critical threshold in the transformation of civil-military relations in Türkiye.

The 27 April e-memorandum did not merely influence the political developments of its time; it also opened the way for long-term debates in Türkiye regarding democratization, civilian oversight, and the boundaries of military intervention.^【2】

The e-memorandum process of 2007 was shaped by the political transformation that began with the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) single-party rise to power in 2002 and the resistance it encountered from state bureaucracy.

The 3 November 2002 elections marked a turning point in Turkish political history, resulting in the AKP assuming power alone. From the earliest years of AKP governance, debates over the headscarf, secularism, and the public sphere generated tensions at the highest levels of the state.^【3】

^{22 Kasım 2022 Cumhuriyet Gazetesi Birinci Sayfa Haberi (}Gaste Arşivi)

During this period, the participation of Münevver Arınç, wife of the Speaker of the Grand National Assembly Bülent Arınç, in a farewell ceremony wearing a headscarf was labeled by then-President Ahmet Necdet Sezer as a “violation of the public sphere” and met with strong criticism.^【4】 These symbolic events made military oversight more visible; indeed, the 2.5-minute duration of the courtesy visit paid by General Hilmi Özkök, Chief of the General Staff, and the service commanders to Bülent Arınç on 29 November 2002 was interpreted as a military protest against the inclusion of headscarves in protocol.^【5】

Institutional rifts continued in subsequent phases, particularly when the 23 April 2003 reception was made “spousal” and allowed the participation of spouses wearing headscarves, prompting President Sezer, along with the Turkish Armed Forces command and senior judiciary officials, to boycott the reception.^【6】

Between 2002 and 2007, Türkiye underwent a reform period in which civil-military relations were redefined in line with its European Union aspirations. Accelerated by the Helsinki Summit, this period saw the implementation of “harmonization packages” aimed at reducing the military’s institutional influence over politics.^【7】 The most critical of these packages, the Seventh Harmonization Package, fundamentally restructured the National Security Council (NSC), transforming its secretariat into a civilian structure and emphasizing that the council’s powers were purely advisory. Although the Turkish Armed Forces did not directly resist these democratization steps motivated by Türkiye’s modernization goals, they repeatedly voiced institutional concerns about civilian oversight mechanisms interfering in military internal affairs.

The path leading to the 27 April e-memorandum was paved with a series of violent incidents and mass protests that struck at the nerves of society. The 2006 attack on the Council of State marked the first major rupture that brought secularism debates into the streets; events such as the 2007 assassination of Hrant Dink and the raid on Zirve Publishing House deepened perceptions of social chaos.^【8】 In the climate of insecurity created by these events, “Republic Rallies” organized by civil society organizations transformed into a collective demonstration against the AKP’s nomination of a presidential candidate. In particular, the attacker’s justification of his actions at the Council of State as a “headscarf decision” inflamed regime debates and shifted the military’s sensitivity on secularism into a potential interventionist ground.^【9】 Additionally, during this period, rumors of coup plots such as “Sarıkız” and news reports with headlines like “Young Officers Are Disturbed” increased pressure on civilian politics.^【10】

From the beginning of 2007, political tension in Türkiye centered on the presidential election.^【11】 One of the central issues in the debate was the candidate’s adherence to secularist principles and the possibility that his spouse wore a headscarf.^【12】

^{13 Nisan 2007 Tarihli Cumhuriyet Gazetesi Manşeti} (Gaste Arşivi)

As the presidential election approached, “Republic Rallies” organized by civil society organizations such as the Atatürkist Thought Association (ADD) and the Association of Democratic Youth (ÇYDD) transformed political tension into a mass public demonstration. These rallies, attended by hundreds of thousands in major cities such as Ankara, Istanbul, and Izmir, emphasized secularism and opposed the government’s authority to determine the presidential candidate.^【13】

On 12 April 2007, then-Chief of the General Staff General Yaşar Büyükanıt, during a press conference with service commanders, expressed the military’s expectations by stating: “The President must be loyal to the Republic not in name but in substance.”^【14】 This statement triggered extensive debate in political circles and the public.^【15】

_{26 Nisan 2007 Tarihli Milliyet Gazetesi Manşeti} (Gaste Arşivi)

Meanwhile, then-President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, in a speech at the War Academies Conference on 13 April 2007, warned: “Since the founding of the Republic, Turkey has never faced such a threat to its political regime as it does today. The fundamental values of the secular Republic are being openly debated for the first time.”^【16】

Abdullah Gül, the candidate under discussion, defended his personal rights and emphasized the democratic process. In one statement, he affirmed his loyalty to the Republic “not in name but in substance,” and regarding the headscarf debate, he declared “The headscarf is my wife’s individual right”, expressing his opposition.^【17】

As the 2007 presidential election approached, Sabih Kanadoğlu, the Honorary Chief Public Prosecutor of the Court of Cassation, proposed a novel interpretation. According to Kanadoğlu, the constitutional provision requiring a “two-thirds majority of total members” (367 MPs) referred not merely to a decision quorum but also to a meeting quorum necessary for voting to begin.^【18】

Under this interpretation, if fewer than 367 MPs were physically present during the vote, the election process could not legally commence. Previously, in all presidential elections (including those of Özal, Demirel, and Sezer), the standard quorum of 184 MPs (one-third of total membership) had been considered sufficient; this new interpretation created a deadlock.

The main opposition party, the CHP, adopted this interpretation as a strategic tool. CHP leader Deniz Baykal opposed the AKP’s decision to nominate its own candidate (Abdullah Gül) without seeking consensus and declared that if 367 MPs were not present in the General Assembly, the election would be referred to the Constitutional Court.^【19】

On 27 April 2007, during the first round of the presidential election, the AKP’s candidate Abdullah Gül received 357 votes, but since only 361 MPs were present, the required threshold of 367 was not reached.^【20】 Alongside the CHP, other opposition parties of the time—the Motherland Party and the True Path Party—also boycotted the vote, thereby freezing the parliamentary arithmetic and transforming a legal dispute into a political crisis.

^{28 Nisan 2007 Tarihli Cumhuriyet Gazete Manşeti} (Gaste Arşivi)

On the same night, between 23:17 and 23:30, a statement was posted on the General Staff’s website. The statement included the following points:^【21】

• Threats to Fundamental Values: In recent times, efforts to erode the Republic’s foundational values—especially secularism—have increased.
• National Holidays and Alternative Events: Alternative celebrations have been organized to replace state symbols of independence, religion has been exploited for this purpose, and children have been placed at the forefront of these activities.
• Concrete Events and Inadequate Intervention: Events in cities such as Ankara, Şanlıurfa, and Denizli, characterized as anti-secular (religious hymns, clothing, religious sermons) have been listed; the failure of civilian authorities to intervene in these situations has been deemed “grave.”
• Position and Resolve of the Turkish Armed Forces: The Turkish Armed Forces declared their alignment with secularism and their role as its unwavering defender. The TSK expressed concern over the secularism debates surrounding the presidential election and stated that it would clearly and openly reveal its stance if necessary.
• Final Declaration: Those opposing the sentiment “How happy is the one who says I am a Turk!” were declared enemies of the Republic of Türkiye, and the public was informed that the TSK’s determination to safeguard the Republic’s characteristics was unshakable.

Significant developments occurred in Türkiye’s civil-military relations following the 27 April e-memorandum. The government rejected the statement, emphasizing that the General Staff was subordinate to the Prime Minister’s Office and clearly asserting the supremacy of civilian authority. While political parties adopted varying stances, the Constitutional Court’s ruling on the 367 quorum issue pushed the situation toward early elections.

After the 22 July 2007 general elections, the decision by MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli to participate in parliament opened the way for the presidential election. In the newly constituted parliament, Abdullah Gül was elected president; subsequently, a constitutional amendment was adopted to allow the president to be elected directly by the people.

On 28 April 2007 at 15:00, Government Spokesperson Cemil Çiçek delivered a statement emphasizing that the General Staff was subordinate to the Prime Minister, stating:^【22】

• “It is inconceivable in a democratic rule of law that the General Staff, a body subordinate to the Prime Minister, could issue a statement opposing the government.”
• “The primary responsibility for safeguarding our state’s fundamental values lies with the government. It is inherent in the nature of things that all institutions subordinate to the government must align with this duty.”

This response has been characterized as the first direct and institutional counter to military intervention in Turkish history.

• Deniz Baykal (CHP): On the morning of 28 April, Baykal claimed ownership of the memorandum, stating, “Erdoğan must not become president. I believe the Armed Forces will not remain indifferent to this,” and “The Prime Minister cannot be Commander-in-Chief.”^【23】 He also warned the Constitutional Court: “If you say 367 is unnecessary, you will provoke a confrontation.” After Abdullah Gül was elected, he stated, “The Presidency election is legitimate; we will respect the outcome.”^【24】
• Devlet Bahçeli (MHP): After the call for early elections, Bahçeli resolved the deadlock by declaring, “The quorum for the presidential election in the General Assembly is 367... We, the MHP, will participate in the General Assembly. Therefore, the AKP will not face the quorum problem.”^【25】
• Muhsin Yazıcıoğlu (BBP): In response to Deniz Baykal’s stance, he remarked, “You do not entrust the parliament with the election; you do not trust the people—who are you?”^【26】

• Yaşar Büyükanıt: Fourteen hours after the statement’s publication, Büyükanıt called Prime Minister Erdoğan, saying, “I was going to visit my grandson, but jamming prevented us from communicating by mobile phone. Now I am informed.”^【27】 Years later, he claimed the document was not a memorandum but merely an expression of “secular sensitivity.”^【28】
• Hurşit Tolon (Retired General): On 28 April, he supported the memorandum by stating, “A warning has been issued to those who refuse to heed advice.”^【29】
• Kenan Evren: He stated, “The military fulfilled its duty.”^【30】

Several days after the e-memorandum, following contacts between then-Minister of National Education Hüseyin Çelik and the General Staff, a meeting was held between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and General Staff Chief Yaşar Büyükanıt at Dolmabahçe Palace. The content of this meeting was never fully disclosed to the public. However, it was observed that after this meeting, the General Staff softened its stance and an immediate military intervention was averted.^【31】

The Constitutional Court, reviewing the application regarding the requirement of 367 MPs’ presence for the first round of the presidential election, annulled the vote on 1 May 2007. When subsequent attempts to hold a vote on 6 May also failed to reach the 367 threshold, Abdullah Gül withdrew his candidacy, and the option of early elections gained prominence. On 3 May 2007, the Grand National Assembly, by unanimous vote, approved the AKP’s proposal to advance the general elections, setting the election date as 22 July 2007.^【32】

To prevent recurrence of the crisis, the AKP submitted a package of constitutional amendments to parliament aimed at fundamentally changing the presidential election system. Adopted on 10 May 2007, the amendment included the following provisions:^【33】

• Direct election of the president by the people and a term of office structured as five years, renewable once.
• Reduction of the parliamentary term from five to four years.
• Fixed meeting quorum for all parliamentary elections and votes at one-third of total membership (184).

Despite the veto of then-President Ahmet Necdet Sezer, the package was submitted to a referendum. On 21 October 2007, 68.95% of valid votes were cast in favor, approving the systemic change.

^{23 Temmuz 2007 Tarihli Radikal Gazetesi Manşeti} (Yeni Şafak)

The 22 July elections, perceived as a referendum on civil politics versus military oversight, saw an exceptionally high voter turnout of 84.25%. The results were as follows:^【34】

• AKP: Received 46.6% (or 46.58%) of the vote, securing 341 parliamentary seats, and returned to power as a single party with increased strength.
• CHP: Became the second party with 20.88% of the vote; MHP secured 14.27% and returned to parliament.
• Independent candidates (including those supported by the DTP) won 26 seats in parliament.

The first order of business in the newly constituted parliament was the election of the 11th president. The AKP again nominated Abdullah Gül; the pivotal role was assumed by MHP Chairman Devlet Bahçeli, who declared his party’s participation in the vote, thereby preventing the legal recurrence of the 367 quorum crisis.

• The first two rounds on 20 and 24 August failed to achieve the qualified majority of 367.
• On 28 August 2007, in the third round of voting, Abdullah Gül received 339 votes and was elected the 11th President of the Republic of Türkiye.

Following the election, CHP leader Deniz Baykal confirmed the end of the tense period that began in April by affirming the legitimacy of the outcome and pledging respect for it.^【35】

As political tensions subsided, the statement was removed from the General Staff’s website. Years later, after Yaşar Büyükanıt publicly acknowledged authorship of the memorandum, an investigation was launched in 2012 in response to related complaints. However, the investigation was closed in subsequent years following Büyükanıt’s death in 2019.^【36】