May 3 Turkishness Day

May 3 Turkish Nationalism Day is a symbolic day observed annually on May 3 by various civil society organizations academic circles and nationalist groups to commemorate a pivotal moment in the political cultural and intellectual history of Turkish nationalism. This day is directly linked to the demonstrations held in Ankara on May 3 1944 and the subsequent Racism-Turanism Trial. The events are regarded as a reflection of Turkish nationalism’s trajectory during the war years the political climate of the era and the relationship between the state and nationalism.

May 3 emerged as a day of reaction amid growing tensions between nationalist intellectuals and the state during Turkey’s policy of neutrality in the context of World War II. In this context the polemic between Nihal Atsız and the left-leaning writer of the period Sabahattin Ali played a direct role in shaping this historical moment. Atsız’s writings expressing Turanist and nationalist critiques were perceived by the state as a threat and the subsequent trials arrests and public reactions transformed this date into a historical symbol within the nationalist community.

Each year this day is commemorated through ceremonies panels publications and social media campaigns by various nationalist organizations and individuals notably Turkish Hearths and Idealist Hearths. In this sense May 3 has come to be recognized within the memory of Turkish nationalism as a symbolic day of intellectual struggle and resistance. May 3 serves not only as a day of remembrance but also as a day on which the ideological framework of Turkish nationalism was shaped historical memory was reconstituted and political orientations were linked to cultural memory.

^{Newspaper Report on the Orhun Magazine Article and the Incident (}ÜlküTek⁾

Turkey’s foreign policy during World War II must be understood in the context of rising nationalist sentiments within the country and the strained relationship between these sentiments and the state. The war which began in 1939 placed Turkey in a precarious position and the country sought to maintain neutrality. On one hand Turkey signed a non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union while on the other it attempted to balance its relations with major powers such as Germany and Britain. This policy created fertile ground for diverse political currents to emerge domestically.

In the early 1940s particularly under the influence of Germany’s early wartime successes Turanist ideas became more visible among certain political and intellectual circles in Turkey. In this period and context “Turan” referred to an ideological framework based on the unity of Turkic peoples. Articles on Turanism appeared in various journals and books and these ideas were embraced within university circles youth groups and certain political cadres. In particular Nihal Atsız emerged as one of the most prominent figures of this intellectual world through his writings.

However the official state ideology of the time was incompatible with Turanism. As the course of the war shifted and relations with Germany cooled Turanist discourse began to be perceived as a threat. In 1944 Nihal Atsız’s articles published in the Orhun magazine and especially his harsh criticisms of the government and accusations against Sabahattin Ali caused an open rupture between nationalist circles and the state. The concrete manifestation of this rupture was visible in the marches and demonstrations held in Ankara on May 3 1944 by supporters of Atsız.

^{Nihal Atsız and Sabahattin Ali (}ÜOEKV^{, Edited by Artificial Intelligence.)}

In his articles published in the Orhun magazine and especially in the 1944 issue of the Tanrıdağ magazine Nihal Atsız explicitly accused Sabahattin Ali of being a communist and of treason against the homeland. Atsız also strongly criticized the fact that Sabahattin Ali who had been previously arrested for political reasons was reinstated into state service by then Minister of National Education Hasan Âli Yücel. According to Atsız this situation was proof that “communist cadres” were being organized within the state.

One of the most notable texts was Atsız’s 1944 article in Orhun titled “Traitor to the Homeland.” In it he cited numerous points from Ali’s writings including his admiration for Germany in the 1930s and his perceived sympathy for the Soviet Union to portray him as un-patriotic and an ideological threat.

In response to these accusations Sabahattin Ali filed a lawsuit against Nihal Atsız in 1944 on grounds of defamation and slander. The case generated widespread attention in the Turkish press and public opinion. Courtrooms were filled during hearings and verbal disputes between the parties occasionally escalated into physical tension. Atsız’s nationalist speeches addressed to crowds during the trial were met with enthusiasm among youth circles and youth groups supporting Atsız organized marches in the streets of Ankara. Hundreds of demonstrators participated in the march chanting slogans such as “Down with Communism” “Long Live Turkish Nationalism” and “National State Nationalist Türkiye” and marched from Ulus Square to Sıhhiye. Demonstrations held in front of the home of then Prime Minister Şükrü Saracoğlu further heightened the political dimension of the events. During the march clashes occurred with security forces and numerous demonstrators were detained on charges of throwing stones at public buildings. Ultimately a case titled the Racism-Turanism Trial was opened against 23 individuals including Nihal Atsız Alparslan Türkeş Zeki Velidi Togan and Cemal Oğuz Öcal. These events marked the beginning of what would later be commemorated as May 3 Turkish Nationalism Day.

^{Front Page of Newspaper Reporting Şükrü Saracoğlu’s Statement (}ÜOEKV⁾

Following the events of May 3 1944 the investigation quickly evolved into a large-scale trial. The case was framed within the political climate of the time by accusations of “regime opposition” “fascist propaganda” and “organized activity under the guise of combating communism.” In this context a trial was initiated against 23 individuals including leading Turkish nationalists and young officers of the period. Hearings took place at the Ankara State of Emergency Court and attracted significant public attention.

At the verdict hearing on March 29 1945 the court acquitted 13 defendants while sentencing the remaining 10 to various prison terms and exiles. The rulings were as follows:

• Nihal Atsız: Sentenced to 4 years 3 months and 15 days imprisonment and 3 years exile in Adana and permanently barred from public service.
• Zeki Velidi Togan: Sentenced to 10 years imprisonment and 4 years exile in Adapazarı and permanently barred from public service.
• Reha Oğuz Türkkan: Sentenced to 5 years 5 months imprisonment and 2 years exile in Diyarbakır and permanently barred from public service.
• Cihad Savaşer: Sentenced to 4 years imprisonment and 1.5 years exile in Uşak and barred from public service for 4 years.
• Nurullah Barıman: Sentenced to 4 years imprisonment and 1.5 years exile in Kırşehir and barred from public service for 4 years.
• Necdet Sancar: Sentenced to 1 year 2 months imprisonment.
• Alparslan Türkeş: Sentenced to 9 months and 10 days imprisonment.
• Fethi Tevetoğlu: Sentenced to 11 months imprisonment.
• Cemal Oğuz Öcal and Cebbar Şenal: Each sentenced to 11 months imprisonment.

The verdict received extensive coverage in the newspapers of the period and sparked debate across various segments of society. The trial was not merely an individual judicial process; it became a significant example of the boundaries drawn between nationalist discourse and the state’s official ideology. Simultaneously these events led to increased political and bureaucratic pressure on nationalist thinkers and officers resulting in the removal of many individuals from their posts or their reassignment to passive roles.

^{Image from the Courtroom (}ÜOEKV⁾

The 1944 Racism-Turanism Trial went beyond being a mere judicial proceeding and significantly influenced the social and political visibility of nationalist movements in Türkiye. Although the trial process imposed intense pressure on nationalist thinkers and young officers under the single-party regime’s ideological boundaries and led to prolonged detentions for many individuals it did not weaken the public influence of Turkish nationalism. On the contrary the emergence of this trial within the political climate of the 1940s created favorable conditions for Turkish nationalism to be more widely embraced and disseminated particularly among youth circles and other segments of society.

The student demonstrations of May 3 1944 and the developments that followed acquired symbolic importance for Turkish nationalism and became one of the reference points for nationalist movements in subsequent years. One of the prominent figures to emerge from this period was Alparslan Türkeş. After serving his sentence he continued his career in the Turkish Armed Forces and later became one of the key figures who brought Turkish nationalism into the political arena. In 1969 he assumed an active role in Turkish politics as the founder of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). Meanwhile many of those tried in the case contributed to the institutionalization of Turkish nationalism in academia publishing literature and political thought and helped shape the intellectual literature in this field.