This article was automatically translated from the original Turkish version.
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South Korea (Republic of Korea) is a republic located in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula in East Asia, governed by a presidential system, highly industrialized, and with a population of approximately 51.8 million.【1】 The capital of the state is Seoul, which historically served as the center of various dynasties and has today become one of the most populous metropolitan areas in East Asia. The official language is Korean, and the Hangul alphabet used for this language is recognized as one of the modern writing systems due to its phoneme-based structure. The national flag, the Taegeukgi, emphasizes change, harmony, and peace through the central taegeuk symbol representing yin-yang balance and its surrounding trigrams; the national flower, Mugunghwa (Rose of Sharon), symbolizes the people’s ideals of continuity and resilience.
The Korean Peninsula is a landmass extending into the eastern edge of the Eurasian continent along the western coast of the Pacific Ocean, largely surrounded by seas. It opens to the East Sea in the east, the Yellow Sea in the west, is separated from the Japanese islands by the Korea Strait in the south, and shares a land border with China and Russia in the north. Its location between approximately 33–43 degrees north latitude gives it a temperate climate characterized by hot, rainy summers and cold, relatively dry winters. Over thousands of years, Korea has developed a national identity centered around a common language, culture, and history; this identity has persisted despite different dynasties, regional power balances, and foreign interventions.
In the modern era, following critical events such as Japanese colonial rule, the division after World War II, and the 1950–1953 Korean War, the peninsula assumed a divided appearance. After the war, the Republic of Korea established in the southern part of the peninsula was a country with a per capita income below 100 US dollars, devastated infrastructure, and severe poverty; within approximately sixty years, it rose to become an “economic powerhouse” among the world’s leading economies. Particularly from the 1960s onward, export-led development strategies, state-guided industrialization policies, and gradual integration into the global economy brought about rapid transformation in the country’s industrial and service sectors.
Politically, the Republic of Korea is a republic operating on a presidential system institutionalized by the 1987 Constitution, following a democratization process driven by mass movements after periods of authoritarian rule. The president is directly elected by popular vote for a single five-year term, serving as both head of state and head of government; the legislative body, the National Assembly, consists of members elected through general elections. Although debates and occasional calls for constitutional amendments continue, the country has been able to navigate serious political crises, including presidential impeachment, within the framework of constitutional procedures.
Socioeconomic indicators show that the Republic of Korea, half a century after its founding, has achieved the status of a “developed state” and established a highly educated societal structure. The increase in average life expectancy from 52.4 years in 1960 to 81.4 years in 2012, the near-elimination of illiteracy, and the fact that approximately 70 percent of the population continues to higher education are quantitative reflections of this transformation.【2】
The country has implemented policies to strengthen this structure through national health insurance and various social assistance programs; it has also taken steps to partially relax centralization in public administration by promoting local government autonomy. The global popularity of Korean culture through cinema, television dramas, popular music, and cuisine has become a significant factor in enhancing the country’s soft power capacity.
The historical background of the Republic of Korea rests on a multilayered cultural accumulation extending far beyond the current state of South Korea, encompassing the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria. Traditional chronology traces the beginning of Korean history to the state of Gojoseon, traditionally believed to have been founded in 2333 BCE; this political entity lasted approximately two millennia and disappeared from the historical stage around 108 BCE.
Following Gojoseon, the polities of Buyeo, Dongye, Okjeo, and the Samhan confederacies—comprising Mahan, Jinhan, and Byeonhan—emerged; this period is referred to in literature as the Proto–Three Kingdoms era. These political formations were distributed across the regions of Manchuria and the northern, central, and southern parts of the Korean Peninsula, shaping the early political map of Korea.
From the 1st century BCE onward, the Proto–Three Kingdoms structures gave way to the emergence of Goguryeo, Baekje, Silla, and the Gaya confederation, marking the beginning of the Three Kingdoms period in Korean history. Goguryeo controlled the northern part of the peninsula and Manchuria; Baekje governed the southwestern region; and Silla dominated the southeastern area. During this period, Korea’s political geography expanded to encompass a vast territory stretching from Manchuria to the Korea Strait.
In the 7th century, Silla successively defeated Goguryeo and Baekje, establishing political unity across the interior of the peninsula from the Daedong River (Daedonggang) to Wonsan Bay; thus, the “Unified Silla” structure emerged. In the late 7th century, the Balhae Kingdom, founded in 698 under the leadership of former Goguryeo nobles, appeared on the historical stage as a new political power center in Manchuria and northern Korea.
In the 10th century, the fragmented structure following the Three Kingdoms was replaced by the Goryeo Dynasty, established in 918. Goryeo successfully repelled the first attack by the Khitan-led Qidan forces in 933 and maintained control over six coastal provinces along the eastern coast (Gangdong Yuk Ju). From 1033 onward, the Cheolli Jangseong (Fortified Walls), constructed along the northern frontier, became a crucial defensive line demarcating the border between Goryeo and the Khitan/Qidan states; as a result, Goryeo’s northern border extended from Sinuiju in present-day North Korea to the Hamheung region.
Throughout the Goryeo and subsequent Joseon periods, policies of northward expansion and border security were sustained; fortresses and garrisons established in the Amnokgang (Yalu) and Dumangang (Tumen) river basins effectively formed the main contours of today’s Korea–China border.
The Joseon Dynasty, established in 1392, stands out as one of the defining political structures in Korean history due to its continuity and institutional stability. Throughout its rule, centralized authority was supported by a Confucian moral framework, a bureaucratic system functioning through examination-based civil service, and a hierarchical social organization based on lineage, status, and gender. The capital, Hanseong (present-day Seoul), was organized into an inner city divided into five districts (Hanseong 5 Bu) surrounded by outer areas (Seongjeosimni), enclosed by city walls; thus, the spatial embodiment of centralized power was concretized within a settlement structure bounded by walls and preserved until the end of the dynasty. By the late 19th century, the construction of railways and tram lines expanded Seoul’s boundaries, and population growth and new residential areas transformed the capital into the central space of the modernization process extending from the Joseon order to the Japanese colonial period.
The Joseon administration continued the northern policy inherited from the preceding Goryeo Dynasty, playing an active role in the gradual stabilization of the historical boundaries of the Korean Peninsula. The policy of securing northern territories initiated during the Goryeo period was institutionalized in the 11th century with the construction of a 400-kilometer-long defensive wall (Cheolli Jangseong) against the Khitai-Çidan; thus, the northern border zone extending from present-day Sinuiju to Hamheung became clearly defined.
This boundary was further extended during the Joseon period in the 15th century through the establishment of four fortresses in the Amnokgang (Yalu) basin and six garrisons in the Dumangang (Tumen) basin; these fortresses and garrisons formed the practical and administrative foundations of the border with China. This “four fortresses and six garrisons” system reinforced the Amnokgang and Dumangang axes, which are today recognized as the primary geographical backbones of the border between North Korea and China; the successive expansion and border protection policies of Goryeo and Joseon historically solidified the territorial integrity of Korea extending from its southern tip to these river lines.
The erection of the Baekdusan National Boundary Monument in the 18th century marked a turning point in the formal recording of the border agreement between Joseon and the Qing Dynasty. The boundary stone transformed the mountain ridge around the Baekdusan crater lake into both a natural and political marker of the northeastern frontier; thus, in historical geography, Baekdusan acquired meaning not only as the origin point of mountain ranges but also as a national symbol and boundary marker. The traditional Korean geographical perception of the Baekdudaegan ridge, stretching from Baekdusan to Jirisan, as the main watershed dividing the country’s ten major river basins reflects a unique spatial conception that viewed borders and internal geography as interconnected. This approach comprehended the national geography’s internal and external boundaries within a unified framework, emphasizing the continuity of mountain ranges and the integrity of river basins.
The political and administrative organization of the Joseon Dynasty linked centralized authority to the provincial (do) system spread across the country. Administrative maps from the period show that provinces such as Hamgyeong, Pyeongan, Hwanghae, Gyeongsang, Jeolla, Chungcheong, and Gyeonggi were evenly distributed along the coasts of the East and Yellow Seas, inland plateaus, and mountainous regions; thus, a hierarchical administrative network extended from the capital Seoul to all provinces. When this administrative division merged with the Confucian bureaucratic examination system, it produced a long-lasting political order shaped by the tension between meritocratic claims and lineage-based hierarchy. This framework also reflected in social life: in historical villages such as Hahoe and Yangdong, which have survived from the Joseon period to the present, the spatial arrangement of noble family residences, educational institutions (seowon), and commoners’ homes clearly reveals a social hierarchy-based spatial order.
Joseon’s policy of fortifying the capital and its surroundings produced a continuous defensive architecture aimed at both internal security and external threats. The Namhansanseong fortress near Seoul played a crucial role in protecting the capital from attacks coming from the east, thanks to its steep topography; during the defense against the Manchu Qing army, it acquired symbolic importance as a refuge for the king and his court. The Hwaseong Fortress in Suwon was constructed to strengthen the southern defense of Seoul and serve as a military base for royal guards. Within the capital’s internal structure, the natural integration of Changdeokgung Sarayı’s layout and the spaces dedicated in Jongmyo to Confucian rituals honoring royal ancestors concretely demonstrate how Joseon’s political order was institutionalized through palace architecture, ritual practices, and Confucian legitimacy.
Viewed holistically, the Joseon Dynasty period can be regarded as the historical stage during which the geographical boundaries of the Korean Peninsula, still valid today, were solidified. The successive northward expansion and border protection policies of Goryeo and Joseon permanently established the northern border line extending to the Amnokgang and Dumangang rivers; the Baekdusan boundary monument ensured this line was internationally recognized as a border framework in relation to the Qing Empire. In historical territorial maps, Joseon occupies the final dynastic phase immediately preceding the Korean Empire, Japanese colonial administration, and ultimately the Republic of Korea, demonstrating that the geographical integrity of the peninsula—from its southern tip to the Amnokgang and Dumangang line—was politically, administratively, and symbolically reinforced during this period.
The second half of the 19th century was a period during which the Joseon order began to unravel due to both internal structural problems and foreign interventions. For a long time, Korea existed within a tributary and alliance system centered on China, but from the 1860s onward, it became the focal point of competition between Western powers and Japan in East Asia.
During this period, Heungseon Daewongun, who effectively held power within the royal court, took some centralizing steps in taxation and administration; however, he also adopted a stern stance against Christian missionary activities and foreign influence. This policy aimed at preserving the traditional order strengthened centralized authority in the short term but failed to remove the structural limitations that, amid increasing external pressure, compelled the country to open gradually.
The 1876 Ganghwa Treaty forced Korea into a system of “unequal treaties” with Japan, opening ports and granting extraterritorial rights in customs and judicial matters. This was followed by similar treaties signed with the United States and European powers throughout the 1880s; thus, while Korea gained broader international recognition in formal diplomacy, it became more vulnerable to external economic and legal interventions.
During this period, conflicts between reformist and conservative factions within the court led to short-lived but impactful political crises such as the 1884 Gapsin Coup; the influence of Chinese and Japanese military presence on court politics steadily increased. The Donghak Rebellion, which erupted in the 1890s in rural areas due to tax burdens, arbitrary local governance, and resistance to foreign influence, undermined the central government’s social legitimacy and provided a pretext for military intervention by China and Japan.
Chinese and Japanese forces entering Korea under the pretext of suppressing the Donghak Rebellion soon became embroiled in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895). Japan’s victory in the war and the formal withdrawal of the Qing Dynasty from its “paramount state” position over Korea, as stipulated in the Treaty of Shimonoseki, created a rupture in Korea’s international status. This development simultaneously confirmed Korea’s legal status as an independent state while paving the way for de facto Japanese dominance.
Under the Gabo Reforms implemented immediately after the war, comprehensive changes were made to the central administration, tax system, judicial organization, and social regulations (such as the abolition of social status distinctions and the creation of a modern bureaucracy); however, these reforms were shaped under external pressure and could not be implemented stably due to power struggles within the court. The assassination of Queen Min (Empress Myeongseong) in 1895, linked to pro-Japanese factions, shook court balances; King Gojong’s refuge in the Russian Legation in 1896, effectively removing him from the palace, exposed the regime’s fragility.
In this context, after returning to the palace in 1897, Gojong declared Korea an empire to strengthen the state’s status, adopting the name “Daehan Jeguk” (Korean Empire). The transition to the title of “Emperor” aimed to emphasize the effective end of the Chinese-centered hierarchical order and to position Korea as an equal sovereign state within the international system.
During this period, known as the Gwangmu era, various initiatives were implemented, including the modernization of the central bureaucracy, reorganization of the military with new organizational structures, construction of railways and telegraph lines, improvement of urban infrastructure, and establishment of modern educational institutions. However, these steps followed an intermittent and unbalanced course due to limited financial resources, internal court factional struggles, and especially interference from Japan and other foreign powers.
By the beginning of the 20th century, the Korean Empire had become one of the central arenas of competition between Russia and Japan. The Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), fought along the Korean and Manchurian axes, further weakened Korea’s geopolitical position. Japan’s victory in the war led to arrangements that designated Korea as Japan’s “sphere of interest”; shortly thereafter, the 1905 Eulsa Treaty effectively placed Korea under Japanese protection in foreign affairs.
With this treaty, Korea’s diplomatic powers were largely eliminated; a Resident-General office was established in Seoul, laying the institutional foundations of Japanese administration. The forced abdication of Gojong in 1907, the disbandment of a significant portion of the Korean army, and the increasing control of Japanese civil–military administrators over the administrative machinery demonstrated the gradual erosion of the Korean Empire’s de facto sovereignty.
During this period, diplomatic efforts within the court and various forms of resistance—through volunteer armed groups and “patriotic associations” in the countryside—emerged against the annexation process; however, these efforts remained limited in the face of Japan’s military, financial, and diplomatic superiority.
Finally, with the signing of the annexation treaty in 1910 (Japan–Korea Annexation Treaty), the Korean Empire legally ceased to exist; Korean territory was restructured administratively under Japanese direct rule as “Chōsen.” The period after this point constituted a new phase in Korean history, shaped around colonial administration, repression, and resistance.
The Japanese colonial period from 1910 to 1945 is one of the most intense phases in Korean history, marked by severe political repression, cultural assimilation efforts, and organized resistance movements. The imperial administration reorganized its administrative structure to transform Korea into a resource and labor base for Japan; local governance, the education system, and the economic structure were reconfigured to serve this goal.
In response, Korean intellectuals, students, workers, and religious communities developed organized resistance movements, raising demands for independence both within the country and abroad. With Japan’s defeat in World War II in 1945, the Korean Peninsula emerged from approximately thirty-five years of colonial rule; however, it simultaneously entered a new process of division.
Under postwar arrangements, Korean territory was placed under the military administration of the Soviet Union and the United States, divided along the 38th parallel. Soviet and American military governments exercised de facto control from 1945 to 1948; this period laid the groundwork for the emergence of two separate states.
In 1948, elections were held under United Nations supervision in the area south of the 38th parallel; the resulting parliament adopted the first constitution and established the government, proclaiming the founding of the Republic of Korea (South Korea). In the same year, a separate state structure emerged in the north, resulting in two distinct regimes on the Korean Peninsula.
Korean War is an armed conflict that emerged in the second half of the 20th century and affected not only the Korean Peninsula but also global politics. The war officially began on June 25, 1950, when the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) launched a comprehensive attack across the 38th parallel into the territory of the Republic of Korea (South Korea); it quickly evolved from an internal conflict between the two Koreas into a multinational intervention under United Nations leadership and a global proxy war involving the People’s Republic of China. In this regard, the Korean War is regarded as the first hot conflict of the Cold War and the first major military manifestation of U.S.–Soviet competition.
The bipolar world order emerging after World War II formed the international backdrop of the Korean War. By the war’s end, Germany and Japan’s defeats were definitive, Europe had suffered heavy destruction, and a power vacuum emerged in regions previously under Japanese occupation. The United States, aiming to establish a system based on liberal democracy and free-market economics, provided support in Europe through programs such as the Marshall Plan; the Soviet Union expanded its sphere of influence by supporting socialist regimes in Eastern Europe.
The 1947 Truman Doctrine and the establishment of NATO in 1949 indicated that this competition had reached a stage of institutional bloc alignment. Meanwhile, the establishment of communist rule in China under Mao Zedong in 1949 strengthened the socialist bloc’s weight in Asia; together with U.S. influence in Japan and other allied regions, the Asia-Pacific region became a new front of the Cold War.
The groundwork for war on the Korean Peninsula was laid with the end of Japanese hegemony. Japan’s unconditional surrender on August 15, 1945, ended its control over Korea; the temporary division of Korea into two occupation zones was decided during the Yalta Conference and subsequent discussions. Accordingly, the area north of the 38th parallel was placed under Soviet occupation, and the area south under U.S. occupation.
Although it was initially envisioned that this arrangement would be temporary and that a unified, independent Korean state would be established, the ideological and strategic interests of the two superpowers prevented this scenario from materializing. In 1948, the Republic of Korea was established in the south and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea in the north; both administrations claimed legitimacy over the entire peninsula. Increasing border violations, propaganda activities, and small-scale clashes around the 38th parallel by 1950 had created the infrastructure for a large-scale war.
On the morning of June 25, 1950, the Korean People’s Army, supported by Soviet-made heavy weapons and armored units, launched a sudden and comprehensive attack across the 38th parallel into South Korea. The South Korean army, due to numerical inadequacy and lack of heavy weapons and air support, was quickly forced to retreat; Seoul fell within three days, on June 28. The Republic of Korea government withdrew southward, and appeals for assistance were made to the United States and other allies.
North Korea’s attack was assessed by the United Nations as an open threat to international peace and security and a violation of the UN Charter. On June 26, 1950, the Security Council passed a resolution calling for the cessation of the attack and the withdrawal of forces behind the 38th parallel; when this appeal proved ineffective, on June 27, member states were called upon to provide military assistance to South Korea. The Soviet Union’s boycott of Security Council meetings over the issue of China’s representation enabled these resolutions to be adopted without veto. On July 7, 1950, it was decided that the command of United Nations forces sent to South Korea would be assumed by the United States; thus, a multinational force comprising contributions from 16 countries in land, air, and naval elements was formed.
In the initial phase of the war, North Korean forces continued their rapid advance, forcing South Korean and UN forces to retreat into a narrow area around Busan, known as the “Busan Perimeter.” This line served as the final defensive barrier preventing the complete occupation of South Korea. The defense of this line, supported by intense artillery and air support, bought time for UN forces to prepare for a counteroffensive. During this period, Turkey decided to send a brigade-sized force in response to the UN call, and the Turkish Brigade later entered the front as part of the UN forces.
In September 1950, UN forces under General Douglas MacArthur executed the Incheon Landing, which fundamentally altered the course of the war. The amphibious operation at this port west of Seoul severed North Korean supply lines; the capital was quickly recaptured, and a general counteroffensive was launched in conjunction with forces defending the Busan perimeter. Within a short time, UN and South Korean forces crossed the 38th parallel, advanced northward, captured Pyongyang, and approached the Yalu (Amnok) River, i.e., the Chinese border. At this stage, the scenario of the complete collapse of the North Korean regime and the unification of the peninsula under South Korean administration became seriously plausible.
The advance of United Nations forces to the Chinese border was perceived by the People’s Republic of China as a direct security threat. The Beijing regime, fearing that a regime change in Korea would threaten its own security in the future, secretly dispatched a large force under the name “People’s Volunteer Army” to North Korea. The Chinese offensives, beginning at the end of October 1950 and early November 1950, caught UN forces unprepared; particularly due to the harsh winter conditions, these operations forced United Nations troops to retreat. Seoul fell for the second time in early 1951, and the front line shifted southward again.
China’s entry into the war transformed the nature of the conflict. Now, on the battlefield, it was not only Korean parties but also UN forces led by the United States and the People’s Republic of China directly confronting each other; the Soviet Union became an indirect party to the conflict by providing weapons and logistical support to the North without directly sending troops. This situation positioned the Korean War as a typical Cold War proxy war. In U.S. domestic politics, President Truman’s rejection of General MacArthur’s proposal to expand the war into Chinese territory and his subsequent dismissal of MacArthur generated significant debate regarding civil–military relations and the limits of war.
From early 1951 onward, the front settled into a static, position-based war rather than large-scale offensives; the front line re-balanced around the 38th parallel. This period was characterized by limited offensives, artillery fire, trench warfare, and reconnaissance operations concentrated around specific hills and strategic positions. While there were no major changes in the military front line, the parties faced heavy human losses and exhausting logistical costs. Millions of civilians were displaced, cities changed hands multiple times, and infrastructure was largely destroyed.
The prolonged war and static front line forced the parties toward a diplomatic solution. Peace negotiations began in Panmunjom in July 1951; however, the talks lasted as long as the war itself. Issues such as the repatriation of prisoners of war, the details of the new border line, and mechanisms for monitoring and inspection became points of deadlock in the negotiations. Particularly, the question of whether prisoners would be repatriated forcibly or according to their own will created a prolonged disagreement between the parties. Nevertheless, the military and political costs of three years of fighting increasingly made an armistice inevitable.
On July 27, 1953, the Armistice Agreement was signed in Panmunjom, ending active hostilities. A Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), approximately 240 kilometers long and 4 kilometers wide, was established based on the de facto front line. This line continues to serve as the de facto border between the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea today. Importantly, the 1953 agreement was not a peace treaty but merely an armistice; thus, the state of war on the Korean Peninsula has not legally ended.
The Korean War produced multidimensional consequences for the Republic of Korea. Population losses, infrastructure destruction, and displacement processes defined the framework of the postwar reconstruction period. South Korea based its security largely on bilateral defense agreements with the United States and the presence of American troops in Korea, shaping its defense and foreign policy doctrine around this alliance. Economically, postwar foreign aid programs and planned development policies created the preconditions for the rapid industrialization process later known as the “Korean Miracle.”
Internationally, the Korean War marked the first major crisis in which the United Nations’ collective security mechanism was effectively applied, a turning point in the importance of NATO and other security organizations, and a military instrument of the “containment policy” aimed at limiting the spread of communism in Asia. The war, with contributions from land, air, and naval forces of many countries including Turkey, permanently influenced the foreign policy orientations and alliance preferences of these states. Political and social ties between the Republic of Korea and countries that sent troops to the war were strengthened on the basis of “war brotherhood” after the conflict; South Korea’s current foreign relations and security perceptions are closely linked to this historical framework.
In the postwar period, South Korea’s domestic politics followed a process shaped by authoritarian tendencies, gradually balanced by growing societal opposition. The First Republic, established in 1948, was characterized by a strong presidential system and a political structure dominated by a single party. The first general election was held only in the area south of the 38th parallel; thus, parliamentary institutions emerged within the context of a divided peninsula.
During this period, although the legislature had the authority to elect the president and vice president as stipulated by the constitution, political competition was primarily centered around the executive. In 1960, election fraud and authoritarian governance methods triggered large-scale student and public demonstrations; this process culminated in the mass movements known as the April Revolution, leading to the end of the First Republic.
The military coup led by General Park Chung-hee in 1961 directly intervened in the political process following the brief experience of the Second Republic; ordinary political activities were suspended, and a military administration period of approximately two and a half years began. During this period, a new constitution, prepared and approved by referendum in 1962, established a strong presidential system in which the president was directly elected by popular vote; thus, the Third Republic period began.
The regulation allowing the president to serve a maximum of two terms quickly became a new area of debate; after the 1967 elections, the Park administration began seeking constitutional amendments to extend its term. Election campaign financing, interference by public officials in electoral processes, and pressure on voters were notable features of this period.
In 1972, Park Chung-hee declared martial law, dissolved the legislature, and, following the adoption of the Yuşin Constitution, established a regime for the fourth time. Under the Yuşin system, the president gained de facto indefinite power through indirect election mechanisms; the legislature’s power to appoint one-third of its members, the selection of high judicial officials, and emergency powers concentrated legislative, executive, and judicial authority largely in the presidency.
During this period, freedom of expression, the right to assemble, and the right to organize were significantly restricted; however, opposition from various segments of society—particularly students, workers, and urban middle classes—grew stronger. The assassination of Park Chung-hee by a close associate in 1979 abruptly ended the Yuşin regime; however, this situation signaled not a democratic transition but the harbinger of a new military intervention.
In the uncertainty following Park’s death, a military group led by Chun Doo-hwan carried out another coup, reasserting control over the political process; thus, the Fifth Republic period began. During this period, the constitution was revised again; the president was to be elected indirectly for a single seven-year term, and although some formal adjustments were made, a significant portion of the authoritarian mechanisms inherited from the Yuşin period were preserved.
Political parties, including satellite opposition parties created by the ruling regime, operated largely under the control of the central authority. Simultaneously, the harsh crackdown on social movements in Gwangju and widespread human rights violations during this period became one of the critical turning points that fueled the subsequent democratization process.
Throughout the 1980s, students, unions, religious groups, and various civil society organizations formed increasingly broad coalitions around the demand for democratization; the strong representation of opposition leaders in the legislature following the 1985 general elections marked a turning point in the political balance.
The death of a university student under torture in 1987 made the already rising demand for democracy even more visible; as a result of the nationwide mass demonstrations in June 1987, known as the Democratization Uprising, the government was forced to announce the June 29 Declaration, which promised direct presidential elections and comprehensive constitutional reforms. In the elections held within the same year, the ruling candidate Roh Tae-woo was elected president due to the fragmentation of votes among two main opposition leaders; however, this process ensured the implementation of a new constitutional order under the oversight of a military-originated leadership.
The 1987 Constitution served as the foundational legal framework for South Korea’s transition from an authoritarian developmental era to constitutional democracy based on elected governments. The constitution, prepared as a result of intense mass protests in 1987, common demands from opposition parties, and internal regime negotiations, stipulated that the president would be directly elected by popular vote for a single five-year term; while preserving the powers of the executive branch, it aimed to strengthen checks and balances on the legislature and judiciary.
In this framework, institutions such as the Constitutional Court, the National Human Rights Commission, independent bodies overseeing electoral processes, and the re-establishment of local autonomous governments played a crucial role in redefining the state structure. Particularly, the Constitutional Court, which became operational in 1988, became one of the institutional pillars of the new era through its powers to review the constitutionality of laws, adjudicate individual petitions regarding fundamental rights violations, dissolve political parties, and conduct impeachment trials of senior state officials.
In the post-1987 period, political competition shifted from the previous axis of “military rule–democratic opposition movements” to a multi-party structure shaped roughly between “conservative” and “progressive” blocs. Throughout the 1990s, politicians with military backgrounds and representatives of former opposition movements competed within the same political arena; frequent party mergers, regional-based party fragmentation, and internal party factionalism led to repeated restructurings.
The 1997 Asian financial crisis marked a turning point, accelerating market-oriented reforms and financial restructuring; agreements with international financial institutions left lasting impacts on labor markets, social policy, and corporate structures. The “Sunshine Policy,” initiated in 1998 and prioritizing mutual contact, humanitarian aid, and summit diplomacy with North Korea, enabled state-level talks between the two Koreas in the early 2000s; it added a new negotiation dimension to the security equation on the peninsula.
By the 21st century, South Korean politics is defined by a structure in which the preservation of the constitutional framework coexists with intense political polarization. Corruption investigations involving the president and government officials, including the unsuccessful impeachment in 2004 and the successful removal of Park Geun-hye in 2016–2017, highlighted the Constitutional Court’s oversight function over the executive. During the same period, mass demonstrations, particularly concentrated in major cities, demonstrated that peaceful protest had become an established form of political expression; mobilization in public squares became as influential as election results in shaping the political agenda.
Generational value differences, regional voting patterns, gender-related social debates, and differing expectations regarding economic inequality have become the main axes determining party competition in the 2020s. Thus, the institutional structure established by the 1987 Constitution continues to outline a dynamic political field intertwined with the legacy of military rule, rapid economic transformation, security issues on the Korean Peninsula, and societal mobilization.
The official national anthem of the Republic of Korea is “Aegukga.” In Korean, the term “aegukga” generally means “a song expressing love for the homeland”; over time, this general expression has become synonymous with the national anthem of the Republic of Korea. Today, when “Aegukga” is mentioned, it most often refers to the official anthem of the Republic of Korea; however, historically, the same term has been used for various patriotic songs used in different periods on the Korean Peninsula.
During the “awakening” and “reform” years of late Joseon, particularly from the 1890s onward, numerous patriotic songs emerged with the aim of mobilizing the people around modernization, independence, and national consciousness. Various national song lyrics were published in the inaugural issues of the Dongnip Sinmun (The Independent) newspaper, which began publication in 1896; however, the melodies with which these lyrics were sung were not always clearly recorded.
Records indicate that a march titled “Daehan Jeguk Aegukga” was composed in 1902 and performed by a Western-style military band during state ceremonies of the Korean Empire.【3】 The lyrics of the current Republic of Korea national anthem are believed to have been written around 1907, aiming to strengthen the spirit of independence, patriotism, and loyalty amid the external intervention and pressure faced by the country at that time.
The lyrics of “Aegukga” were initially set to various melodies by different composers and gradually evolved into the current four-stanza and chorus form. During this process, the anthem was long sung to the melody of the Scottish folk song “Auld Lang Syne.” Thus, the widely used national anthem form in Korea from the early 20th century until the end of World War II was a structure combining Korean lyrics with a Western-originated folk tune. Regarding the authorship of the lyrics, sources mention Yun Ch’i-ho and An Chang-ho together; it is understood that the lyrics can be attributed to one or both of these figures, but no single author’s name has gained general acceptance.
During the 1920s and 1930s, under Japanese colonial rule, pressure on national symbols intensified, and the anthems used by patriotic circles became politicized. In this context, Korean composer Ahn Eak-tai, who studied abroad, did not find it appropriate for Korea’s national anthem to be based on a foreign melody; in 1935, he adapted the final section of his symphonic work “Symphonic Fantasy Korea” as an original melody for “Aegukga.” The provisional government of Korea adopted Ahn Eak-tai’s composition as the national anthem; thus, the anthem became part of the political and cultural symbols of the Korean independence movement. However, this new melody was primarily recognized in overseas political circles and the diaspora for a long time; in Korea, the practice of singing the lyrics to the “Auld Lang Syne” melody continued significantly until the late 1940s.
With the end of Japanese rule in 1945 and the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948, the form and official status of the national anthem were redefined. After the proclamation of the Republic of Korea on August 15, 1948, the lyrics of “Aegukga” sung to the melody composed by Ahn Eak-tai began to be performed at the new state’s official ceremonies and were later included in school textbooks. Thus, the anthem was embraced by broad segments of society through both official state ceremonies and the education system, quickly becoming the de facto and legal national anthem of the Republic of Korea. During the same period, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) adopted a separate national anthem also named “Aegukga,” but with different lyrics and melody; this situation demonstrates that the name “Aegukga” retains its historical and symbolic continuity on the Korean Peninsula, despite content-based divergences.
The currently used “Aegukga” consists of four stanzas and a recurring chorus after each stanza. The first stanza begins with mythological and distant future references such as the waters of the East Sea drying up and Mount Baekdusan eroding away; these two geographical elements highlight the sea on the eastern edge and the mountain on the northern border as symbols of the country’s permanence and historical boundaries. It then continues with a prayer addressing God to protect and preserve the nation; thus, this stanza unites geographical symbols with the plea for divine protection. The phrase “magnificent rivers and mountains stretching for three thousand ri” in the chorus reflects a traditional understanding of distance, emphasizing the vastness and continuity of the country’s territory; the reference to the national flower Mugunghwa aims to reinforce the theme of perseverance and resilience through the image of the “everlasting flower.”
In the second stanza, the pine tree on the slopes of Namsan Mountain near Seoul is portrayed as a figure standing firm against wind and frost, like one clad in armor; this metaphor symbolizes the steadfastness and resilience of individuals and society despite changing conditions. The third stanza uses the image of a clear, cloudless autumn sky and a bright moon to convey an undivided, fixed, and loyal mindset; the metaphors of sky and moon serve as poetic tools for expressing individual and collective consciousness. The fourth stanza brings together previous themes, calling for unwavering loyalty to the homeland through both suffering and joy; thus, the poetic structure expresses patriotism, loyalty, and a sense of shared destiny as a unified whole. The Turkish translation of “Aegukga” is as follows:
1. Until the waters of the East Sea dry up and Mount Baekdusan erodes away, may God protect and preserve our nation; Long live Korea.
2. Just as the pine tree on the mountain’s slope stands firm against wind and frost, unyielding like one clad in armor, so too shall our unshakable spirit remain.
3. The autumn sky is vast and clear, high and cloudless; the bright moon is our undivided and loyal heart.
4. With this spirit and this mind, give all your loyalty to your homeland, whether in sorrow or joy.
Chorus: Magnificent rivers and mountains stretching for three thousand ri are covered with mugunghwa flowers. The noble Korean people remain faithful to the great Korean path!
“Aegukga” is one of the fundamental national symbols used in official state ceremonies, national holidays, specific formal events in schools, and international platforms including sports competitions. When considered together with the Taegeukgi (national flag) and Mugunghwa (national flower), the anthem reveals the musical expression of the symbolic framework constituting the national identity of the Republic of Korea. By combining geographical references, historical boundaries, religious elements, and natural imagery, a text-music composition has emerged that emphasizes both the country’s physical space and its associated historical memory. In this sense, “Aegukga” is regarded as a symbolic text closely related to the political fractures, colonial experience, and independence struggle during the formation process of the Republic of Korea as a modern state.
The national flag of the Republic of Korea, the Taegeukgi, has become one of the fundamental symbols of state sovereignty and national identity since the end of the 19th century. The idea of creating a modern national flag emerged during the process of signing the 1882 Korea–United States Treaty; the issue of a “Korean flag” to be used at the signing ceremony highlighted the need to express the state’s recognition in international relations through a visual symbol. Although there is no definitive record of the design of the flag used at the signing ceremony, assessments suggest that the Korean banner depicted in the U.S. Navy’s Bureau of Navigation publication Flags of Maritime Nations and rediscovered in 2004 resembles this first example.
The official diary of Park Yeong-hyo, titled Sahwagiryak, who was dispatched as “Special Envoy with Full Powers” to Japan in 1882 by King Gojong, is one of the primary references regarding the early formation of the Taegeukgi. Park recorded in this diary that while traveling to Japan in September 1882, he designed a flag featuring a central taegeuk (the red–blue circle symbolizing the harmony of opposing principles) surrounded by four trigrams (gwae).【4】 This design proposed a structure closer to the current four-trigram composition, differing from the previously used eight-stick (eight-trigram) arrangement. According to Park’s reports, this flag was officially used starting on September 25, 1882, and reported to the palace on October 3, 1882.
On March 6, 1883, King Gojong’s royal decree officially proclaimed this design—featuring a central taegeuk circle and four trigrams around it—as the national flag, making it the official symbol of the state under the name Taegeukgi. However, at this stage, detailed standards regarding the flag’s proportions, the size of the taegeuk circle, the exact placement of the trigrams, and line thicknesses were not established; thus, variations in the appearance of Taegeukgi examples used by different institutions and individuals emerged.
During the Japanese colonial period (1910–1945), the Taegeukgi continued to be used by independence movements and provisional governance structures as a symbol of Korean national identity. On June 29, 1942, the Provisional Government of Korea issued a flag style guide aiming to standardize the Taegeukgi’s production among the diaspora and resistance circles; however, due to occupation conditions and communication restrictions, this guide reached only a limited extent among the general population on the Korean Peninsula.
After Japan’s surrender on August 15, 1945, and Korea’s liberation, the Taegeukgi became identified in the collective memory of the Korean people with liberation and rebirth; its status as the national flag was officially reinforced with the founding of the Republic of Korea on August 15, 1948. The republican government quickly recognized the need to standardize the flag’s design; in January 1949, the National Flag Correction Committee was established and on October 15, 1949, announced the “Guidelines for the Production of the National Flag,” specifying the measurements, proportions, and layout details of the Taegeukgi. Subsequently, more detailed technical standards were developed regarding color scales (the shades of red and blue), the white background, flag proportions (e.g., 2:3 ratio), and the placement of the trigrams.
By the 21st century, the legal framework governing the use and protection of the Taegeukgi had been systematically formalized through a series of laws and administrative regulations. The “Act on the National Flag of the Republic of Korea” was enacted in January 2007, its implementing regulations in July 2007, and the “Regulations on the Raising, Management, and Promotion of the National Flag” by prime ministerial directive in September 2009.
These regulations defined the principles for using the flag in official institutions, schools, public ceremonies, and special days; identified acts considered disrespectful to the flag; and outlined how public awareness and promotion campaigns should be conducted. The public visibility of the national flag increases particularly on specific commemorative and celebration days such as Independence Movement Day (March 1), Liberation Day (August 15), and National Flag Day; educational activities regarding the meaning of the Taegeukgi are organized in schools and public institutions.
The Taegeukgi consists of a white background, a central red–blue taegeuk circle, and four black trigrams (geon, gon, gam, ri – 건, 곤, 감, 리) placed at the corners. The flag’s fundamental elements are not merely a visual arrangement but a symbolic composition of Korea’s historical cosmology, nature perception, and social values.
When considered together, these elements emphasize the harmonious unity of dualistic concepts such as heaven–earth, fire–water, yin–yang, movement–stillness. The placement relationship between the central taegeuk circle and the trigrams at the corners implies the idea of a constant balance at the center of the universe, with directions, seasons, and natural phenomena arranged around it.
In the republican period, the Taegeukgi has transcended its role as merely an official symbol raised on government buildings; through practices such as lowering the flag on national days of mourning, its use in sports competitions, its display in school ceremonies, and its exhibition in overseas diplomatic missions, it has become a visible identity symbol in various areas of daily life. The flag has established its place in the collective memory as a symbol associated with resistance, reconstruction, and political transformation throughout the historical sequence from the Korean War (1950–1953) to the economic development process and democratization periods.
South Korea is a country occupying the southern part of the Korean Peninsula in East Asia, characterized by mountainous masses interspersed with valleys and coastal plains. While the total area of the peninsula is approximately 223,000 km², the official statistics for the Republic of Korea (South Korea) give its area as 99,720 km²; other sources often round this value to 100,000 km².【5】 Approximately two-thirds of the country’s topography consists of mountainous areas; settlement, agriculture, and industrial activities are concentrated mainly in river valleys and western and southern coastal plains.
South Korea shares a land border along the Korean Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), a military-hardened buffer zone approximately 4 km wide that separates it from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. To the east lies the East Sea (known as Donghae in Korean terminology), to the west the Yellow Sea, and to the south the Korea Strait and the East China Sea; its maritime neighbors are the People’s Republic of China to the west and Japan to the east and southeast. In addition to the mainland, the country’s territory includes islands such as Jeju Island, Ulleungdo and its surrounding small islets, and numerous coastal islands in the Yellow Sea.
South Korea is located between 33°–38° north latitudes and 124°–131° east longitudes; thus, it lies within both the temperate zone and the East Asian monsoon system. The northern land border follows the de facto DMZ line, reflecting the political division of the Korean Peninsula. Although demilitarized, this line is considered one of the most militarized border regions in the world due to intense surveillance and military fortifications.
To the west, a maritime boundary exists with the People’s Republic of China across the Yellow Sea. To the east, a maritime boundary exists with Japan across the East Sea; to the south, maritime boundaries and exclusive economic zones are shared with Japan and partially with China via the Korea Strait and the East China Sea. The country has a highly indented coastline consisting of thousands of small islands and islets; this situation has facilitated the concentration of fishing, maritime transport, and port activities, especially along the western and southern coasts.
The Korean Peninsula generally has a mountainous structure, and in South Korea, this structure is marked by mountain systems extending in a northeast–southwest direction. The main mountain range, called Baekdudaegan, begins in the high plateaus of the northern peninsula and branches into numerous sub-ranges toward the south; among these, the Taebaeksan range along the eastern coast and the Sobaeksan and Noryeongsan ranges in the interior are prominent.
On the South Korean mainland, Jirisan, with an elevation exceeding 1,915 meters, is one of the most prominent peaks; additionally, Namsan and Hallasan on Jeju Island, with a height of 1,950 meters, are recognized as the highest point in the country.【6】
The valleys nestled between mountain masses and the lowland plains along the western and southern coasts constitute the country’s primary agricultural and settlement areas. Erosion basins developed on granite rocks have gradually lowered over time to form broad-based valleys and plain areas; these areas have become the most intensive agricultural zones today, primarily for rice cultivation. The Hangang River basin, which hosts the Seoul metropolitan area, and the Nakdonggang delta near Busan in the southeast are strategically important for both agricultural activities and urban and industrial settlements.
South Korea’s hydrography is defined by numerous short rivers flowing east–west and several major rivers extending from the interior of the peninsula toward the western and southern coasts. The Hangang River forms a wide basin in the northwest of the country and flows into the Yellow Sea through Seoul, historically serving as one of the main arteries connecting the interior with the coast. The Nakdonggang River originates in the mountainous interior to the south and reaches the Korea Strait through a wide delta near Busan; the Geumgang, Yeongsangang, and Seomjingang rivers form significant alluvial plains along the western and southwestern coasts.
Natural lakes in the country are limited, but numerous reservoir dams have been constructed for irrigation, drinking water supply, and flood control. Extensive estuaries, wetlands, and tidal flats (particularly along the western coast’s tidal plains) form important aquatic ecosystems for ecological diversity and coastal fishing.
South Korea is generally under the influence of a temperate monsoon climate. In winter, cold and dry northwesterly winds prevail due to the Siberian high-pressure system; in summer, hot and humid Pacific air masses dominate the country. This seasonality results in cold and relatively dry winters and hot, rainy summers. Spring and autumn are relatively short transitional seasons with milder temperatures and precipitation. The summer rains (changma) from late June to mid-July provide a significant portion of the annual rainfall and are critically important for agricultural activities.
Temperature and precipitation vary according to the north–south direction and the difference between coastal and inland areas. Winters are milder and summers longer and more humid in the southern and coastal regions; inland and high mountain areas experience lower winter temperatures and more frequent snowfall. Long-term data indicate an increasing trend in annual average temperatures since the end of the 20th century and seasonal redistribution of precipitation patterns.
Vegetation reflects the combined effects of climate and topography. Forests cover approximately 63% of South Korea’s area, making it one of the countries with high forest coverage. According to 2010 data, 63.2% of the country’s 100,266 km² area is covered by forests.【7】 As a result of reforestation programs conducted on previously deforested slopes during the mid-20th century, many areas previously characterized by bare rock and degraded forests have been replaced by mixed deciduous and coniferous forests. Lowland areas are dominated by agricultural fields, rice paddies, and settlements; coastal strips feature tidal flats, salt marshes, and coastal wetlands, which add diversity to the vegetation cover.
Although the Korean Peninsula is geologically rich in various mineral resources, a significant portion of these is economically unviable due to limitations in reserve size, ore grade, and geographical conditions. Various metallic (e.g., iron, some rare metals) and non-metallic (limestone, feldspar, etc.) minerals have been identified in different regions of the peninsula; however, reserve sizes, ore grades, and geographical conditions make the intensive exploitation of some of these resources challenging today.
Based on natural vegetation, resources historically held importance as firewood, forest products, and herbal ingredients used in traditional medicine. In the modern era, forests have become more prominent for their roles in water production, erosion control, recreation, and carbon sequestration. Tidal flats and estuaries along the coastal regions are primary natural resource areas for fishing and shellfish production, while alluvial plains in inland areas are key for agricultural production (especially rice, vegetables, and fruits).
South Korea is a country with limited fossil fuel reserves and relies heavily on imports for the majority of its primary energy sources. National and international energy statistics show that the country’s dependency on imports for primary energy sources such as oil, coal, and natural gas exceeds 90%.【8】 Electricity generation is dominated by thermal power plants (coal and liquefied natural gas) and nuclear power plants; hydroelectric and new/renewable energy sources (wind, solar, biomass, etc.) account for a smaller share of total production. Power generation facilities are concentrated along the western and southern coasts, near major ports and industrial centers, due to their need for cooling water and fuel supply access.
The country’s transportation system, despite the challenging topography of mountainous terrain, consists of advanced road, rail, air, and sea networks connecting densely populated corridors. The highway network includes numerous routes connecting the capital region to major cities in the north–south and east–west directions, with the Gyeongbu Highway, following the Seoul–Busan axis, being the most prominent; highways cross mountain ranges through tunnels and viaducts, following river valleys and coastal plains. The high-speed rail network (KTX and connecting lines) has shortened internal travel times and contributed to strengthening regional development corridors by connecting Seoul to metropolises such as Busan, Gwangju, and Mokpo.
Maritime transport is strategically important due to South Korea’s geographical location. Busan Port, one of the largest container ports in East Asia, handles a significant portion of the country’s foreign trade; ports such as Incheon, Gwangyang (Yeosu), Ulsan, and Masan also serve as key gateways for industrial products and energy raw materials. In aviation, Incheon International Airport near Seoul functions as a regional hub, while Gimpo, Gimhae (Busan), Jeju, and other regional airports serve as important nodes for domestic and nearby international flights. Thus, the transportation and logistics infrastructure, vital for an economy dependent on energy imports and export-oriented, has transformed South Korea’s geographical position into a global maritime and air transport hub.
Since the early 2020s, the Republic of Korea has been among the industrialized economies in terms of gross domestic product (GDP), foreign trade volume, and per capita income indicators. According to OECD and international financial institution data, the country’s GDP is approximately 1.83 trillion U.S. dollars at current prices and 2.3 quadrillion won in national currency. The five-year average real growth rate is around 2.4%, and per capita income indicators correspond to the “high-income” group according to World Bank classifications.【9】
Price stability and monetary policy data indicate that the annual consumer price inflation rate was approximately 3% as of mid-2024. The central bank’s policy interest rate is around 3.5%.【10】 The unemployment rate is below 3%, and the employment rate is above 62%.【11】 The proportion of the population aged 25–64 with higher education exceeds 50%, indicating that a significant portion of the labor force has received post-secondary education.【12】
In terms of external balance, the shares of goods and services exports and imports in GDP are each approximately 45%. These figures demonstrate the economy’s high level of integration into foreign trade. The current account balance as a percentage of GDP is positive (in the 1–1.5% range), and the net international investment position is positive; this reflects the country’s general trend toward a net creditor position in its external economic relations.【13】
Traditional agriculture, forestry, and fishing activities on the Korean Peninsula have declined in their share of national income since the second half of the 20th century. In the 1950s, the primary sector’s share of national income approached 40%; due to rapid industrialization, urbanization, and structural transformation, this share fell below 3% by the 2000s. According to recent data, the share of agriculture, forestry, and fishing activities in GDP is approximately 1.8%.【14】
This transformation has also reflected in employment structure. The rural population has decreased, and the share of those employed in agriculture in the total labor force has declined; the nature of agricultural production has diversified with mechanization, input usage, and changes in land scale. Government policies continue to support agricultural production around food security, rural income levels, and environmental sustainability. Rice, vegetable, and fruit production, along with coastal fishing and aquaculture, are the main components of primary sector activities.
The industrial sector has played a decisive role in the economic growth process since the 1960s. In the 1950s, the manufacturing industry’s share in GDP was around 12%; by the 2000s, it approached 27%; in the 2010s, manufacturing’s share remained above 24%.【15】 Heavy and chemical industries, including steel, shipbuilding, automobiles, petrochemicals, and information and communication technologies, emerged as leading production sectors during this period.
Electronic components (especially memory chips), flat panel displays, televisions, and other consumer electronics, ships, and automobiles hold significant shares in both production volume and export composition. Korean companies hold high market shares globally in areas such as semiconductors, display technologies, and shipbuilding. The share of research and development (R&D) expenditures in GDP is approximately 5%, indicating that technology-intensive activities play a significant role in the industrial structure.
In the advanced stage of economic structural transformation, the services sector has become the largest sector in terms of both production and employment. As the share of agriculture declined and industry reached a certain weight, service areas such as banking and finance, insurance, logistics, information and communication, education, healthcare, culture, and tourism expanded progressively. By the mid-2010s, the services sector’s share in GDP exceeded 60%, and its share in employment surpassed this figure.【16】
The financial system is a vital component of this service structure. Seoul functions as a regional financial center in terms of banking and capital markets. Banks, insurance companies, and securities markets are fundamental institutional structures for channeling domestic savings into the economy and accessing international capital flows.
In recent years, mobile banking, electronic payment systems, and financial technology startups have diversified the delivery methods of financial services. Information and communication technology (ICT)-based services also constitute a broad sub-sector within the services sector, both for domestic demand and export-oriented activities; ICT product exports reached 144 billion U.S. dollars in 2023.【17】
The growth model of the Korean economy is closely linked to foreign trade. The shares of goods and services exports and imports in GDP are each approximately 45%; this indicates the economy’s high degree of openness to external markets.【18】
Examining the export composition, machinery and electronic products account for approximately 41.5% of total merchandise exports; transportation vehicles (automobiles, ships, etc.) account for 14%, and chemical products account for approximately 10%.【19】 In imports, fuels (oil, natural gas, coal) account for approximately 30% of total imports, machinery and electronic products account for 27%, and chemical products account for approximately 9%.【20】
Geographically, China, the United States, Japan, Singapore, Vietnam, and European Union countries are the main trading partners. Exports to China increased from 3.8 billion U.S. dollars (6% of total exports) in 1989 to over 173.6 billion U.S. dollars in 2013, exceeding one-third of total exports.【21】 Exports to Vietnam also increased simultaneously with Korean companies’ production and investment activities in the country.
Historically, the trade balance occasionally showed deficits in the 1980s and early 1990s; however, from the mid-1990s onward, export-led growth models generated persistent trade surpluses. The average annual trade surplus for the period 2001–2013 was 22.3 billion U.S. dollars, and in 2013, it reached 44 billion U.S. dollars.【22】 Since the early 2020s, Korea has been among the top ten countries in global exports; in the first three quarters of 2024, total exports exceeded 500 billion U.S. dollars.【23】
Among export goods, semiconductors, flat panel displays, automobiles, ships, petrochemical products, and lithium-ion batteries stand out. The production and export performance of these products reflect Korea’s position within global value chains.
The Republic of Korea is both a recipient of and an investor in foreign direct investment (FDI). Financial liberalization and opening-up policies implemented since the late 1980s, combined with structural reforms after the 1997–1998 Asian Financial Crisis, established a market-oriented framework for economic policies. In the realm of external economic policy, free trade agreements, participation in international economic organizations, and legal frameworks regulating investment environments play significant roles.
In the sectoral distribution of FDI into Korea during the 2020–2024 period, the services sector has gained prominence. The services sector’s share of total FDI was approximately 54% in 2020 and rose to 69% in 2024; manufacturing’s share remained in the 36–42% range.【24】 Finance, insurance, logistics, information technology, professional services, and R&D activities are among the service sub-sectors attracting investment. Japan, China, the United States, Singapore, and certain European Union countries (particularly the Netherlands and Germany) are the main investor countries.
Korean outward investments are also significant. As of the mid-2010s, approximately 36% of outward FDI was directed toward manufacturing. Electronics components, computers, radios, televisions, and communication equipment manufacturing account for about one-third of manufacturing-related FDI; motor vehicles, trailers, and semi-trailers manufacturing account for approximately 14%.【25】 Geographically, China and the United States lead; Vietnam, India, and Central European countries are other key destinations for production and assembly investments.
The share of R&D expenditures in GDP is approximately 5%, placing Korea among the top ranks in the OECD.【26】 Numerous support programs, managed by central and local administrations, are implemented for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). These programs focus on digital transformation, export readiness, access to finance, modernization of production processes, and scaling up, and have increased in both number and allocated resources throughout the 2010s.
When considered together, these indicators show that the economy of the Republic of Korea, as of the first quarter of the 21st century, exhibits a structure dominated by industry and services, with intense interaction with foreign trade and investment flows.
According to the 2024 Population and Housing Census results, the population of the Republic of Korea is approximately 51.8 million. Nearly 49.8 million of this are Korean citizens, and approximately 2 million are foreign nationals; the share of the foreign population in the total population is approximately 3.9%. The total number of households is 23.7 million, with the average household size having declined to 2.19 persons; the proportion of single-person households is 36.1%, and the combined proportion of one- and two-person households exceeds 65%.【27】
The spatial distribution of the population shows a pronounced central concentration. According to national statistics, the Seoul Metropolitan Area, encompassing Seoul, Incheon, and Gyeonggi-do, houses approximately half of the country’s population; in 2010, this region’s share was around 49%. In contrast, Gangwon-do, Jeju, and the Honam and Chungcheong regions have relatively low population densities. In the past twenty years, internal migration toward suburban areas around the capital, especially Gyeonggi-do, has increased both the total population and the number of school-age children in these regions.
Population decline and aging in rural areas are more pronounced, creating a separate agenda regarding the sustainability of local services and infrastructure planning. The reduction in rural population directly affects the economies of scale, school and hospital capacities, transportation infrastructure, and financial structures of local administrations for public services such as education and healthcare.
By ethnic structure, the population is overwhelmingly of Korean origin. Foreign nationals and multicultural households are concentrated primarily in the capital region and industrialized cities (e.g., metropolitan areas of Gyeonggi-do and Gyeongsang regions). According to 2024 data, the number of multicultural households is approximately 439,000, corresponding to about 1.9% of total households. These households include various categories such as foreign nationals, those who migrated through marriage, and naturalized citizens.【28】
The increase in multicultural households has brought to the forefront language support programs in education policies, integration education, and cultural diversity-related adjustments in school curricula. Particularly in the capital region, support programs for multilingual student populations in elementary and middle schools are addressed as a separate issue by local administrations and educational authorities.
Religious structure has undergone long-term changes. The 2005 census data show that approximately 52.9% of the population identified with a religious tradition; among these, Christianity (Protestantism and Catholicism combined) represented approximately 29.2%, and Buddhism approximately 22.8%. The same data revealed a high proportion of those who did not associate themselves with any religion, with this proportion showing an increasing trend, especially among younger generations.【29】
Alongside religious institutions, the Confucian heritage continues to influence social norms, family relationships, and educational approaches, despite lacking an official religious status. The influence of this heritage can be observed in areas such as family hierarchy, respect for age, emphasis on academic achievement, and public morality.
The age structure clearly reflects a rapid aging trend. According to 2024 data, the population aged 0–14 constitutes approximately 10.5%, the population aged 15–64 approximately 70%, and those aged 65 and over approximately 19.5%. The “aging index” (the ratio of the 65+ age group to the 0–14 age group) has reached 186.7, indicating that the elderly population is nearly twice the size of the child population. The combination of low fertility and rising life expectancy leads population projections to indicate a declining total population in the medium and long term, with the elderly population ratio continuing to increase.
The demographic transition can be observed particularly through the decline in the child population. According to OECD data, the number of children aged 0–4 decreased by 40% between 2013 and 2023, and a further 6% decline is projected for this age group between 2023 and 2033. This trend indicates the persistence of declining fertility and affects medium-term calculations in many areas, from education planning to the labor market.【30】
In terms of migration dynamics, internal migration is directed toward the capital region and industrial centers; in external migration, foreign labor and marriage-based settlement are prominent. Internal migration increases the population of suburban areas around the capital, contributing to the rise in the elderly population ratio in rural areas; this situation is decisive in terms of regional inequalities and the service delivery capacity of local administrations.
In the Korean education system, the literacy level is very high according to quantitative indicators; the breadth of compulsory education and the widespread access to educational institutions have ensured that basic literacy has become nearly universal. When considered together with the high rates of upper secondary and higher education diplomas, this demonstrates the inclusiveness of the education system.
According to OECD’s Education at a Glance 2025 country note, as of 2024, the proportion of the population aged 25–34 who have not completed upper secondary education is the lowest in the OECD at 1%. The proportion of higher education graduates in the same age group is 71%, significantly above the OECD average (48%).【31】
The average wage difference between higher education graduates and those with only secondary education is approximately 31%. While access to higher education among young adults is increasing, the proportion with master’s or doctoral degrees remains limited; in the 25–34 age group, this rate is around 3%.
The skill levels of the adult population provide insights into the qualitative dimension alongside quantitative expansion in education. According to OECD’s Survey of Adult Skills (PIAAC), approximately 33% of adults aged 25–64 fall at literacy level 1 or below, a rate above the OECD average.【32】
Average literacy scores have declined between 2014 and 2023 for both higher education graduates and adults with education below secondary level. This situation indicates that as educational levels rise, skill distribution has widened, and lifelong learning policies have become increasingly important.
The Korean education system is based on a 6–3–3 structure: six years of elementary school, three years of middle school, and three years of high school. The nine-year compulsory education framework covers elementary and middle school; at the upper secondary level, general high schools and vocational high schools coexist. After high school, a multi-layered higher education structure includes two-year vocational colleges, four-year universities, and graduate programs.
National education statistics show that transition rates from elementary to middle school and from middle to high school have remained above 95% for a long time, and transition rates to higher education have shown consistent growth since the 1980s. In the 1980s, the admission rate to undergraduate programs was around 30%; by the 2000s and beyond, this rate approached 70%, making undergraduate education a widespread educational level.
2014 data show that the majority of school-age students are concentrated in urban centers and surrounding suburbs; this situation increases the operating costs of schools with low student numbers in rural areas and leads to regional disparities in teacher–student ratios.【33】
Education participation is not limited to the formal school system. A significant portion of students at the middle and high school levels attend supplementary educational institutions such as private academies and tutoring centers after school hours. This sector has become an independent industry supporting preparation for university entrance exams and entrance exams for public officials and major corporations. Thus, intense academic competition and extended study hours exist outside the official school system.
During compulsory education, the annual required class hours are 655 in elementary school and 842 in middle school; these hours are below OECD averages. However, students’ out-of-school study hours are high, leading to an increase in total study time. The average class size at the elementary level decreased to 21.6 students in 2023, a reduction of about 2.4 students since 2013. These indicators demonstrate that declining fertility and decreasing student numbers have directly affected school organization and resource allocation.【34】
In conclusion, demographic trends in the Republic of Korea (population aging, shrinking child population and household size, increasing multicultural households) and educational indicators (high completion rates, widespread higher education, skill-level differentiation) form a complementary framework. The transformation in population structure has a decisive impact on the scale and geographical distribution of educational institutions, as well as on curricula, skill objectives, and adult education policies.
The cultural structure of Korean society has been shaped historically around Confucian hierarchy, family relationships, and emphasis on education. The family is positioned as the fundamental unit of socio-economic solidarity and intergenerational cultural transmission. Traditional family address forms, expressions of respect varying by age and status, and the distinction between informal and formal language in daily communication demonstrate how social hierarchy is reflected in everyday interaction.
Seasonal cycles, official holidays, and traditional festivals structure the cultural calendar. Seollal (Lunar New Year) and Chuseok (Autumn Harvest Festival), celebrated according to the lunar calendar, are the main traditional festivals involving family visits, ancestral reverence rituals, and special meals. During these days, the use of traditional clothing, hanbok, increases; although modern clothing is preferred in daily life, hanbok continues to serve as a symbolic identity element during ceremonies and commemorative events.
In urban areas, high population density has popularized apartment-type housing and urban life based on public transportation. In large cities such as Seoul, the intensive use of metro and bus networks is an important element of daily mobility. The daily rhythm centered on work and school organizes leisure time around shopping malls, parks, cultural centers, and cafes.
Korean culture exhibits a structure where local traditions and modern urban culture are intertwined. Regional distinctions within the peninsula—north–south, coastal–inland—have produced regional differences in dialects, culinary habits, and local festivals. Regional dialects and culinary traditions in areas such as Gyeongsang, Jeolla, Chungcheong, and Gangwon have become nationally recognized cultural elements.
On the international level, Korean popular culture has undergone a dissemination process since the beginning of the 21st century known as the “Hallyu” (Korean Wave). K-pop music, Korean television dramas (K-dramas), cinema productions, and online content have reached a wide audience globally, particularly in East and Southeast Asia. This process has transformed the entertainment sector into a significant cultural industry within the country through music companies, drama/film producers, online platforms, and fan communities.
Taekwondo, a martial art of Korean origin, is positioned both as a sport and a cultural heritage. Institutionalized globally through international federations and competitions, taekwondo also forms a cultural representation of Korea in its international image.
Traditional music (gugak), pansori (narrative-singing tradition), masked dances, and folk performances are supported through festivals, performing arts institutions, and educational programs; thus, modern and traditional expressions coexist within the same cultural field.
Korean literature possesses a multilayered accumulation extending from the classical to the modern period. During the Joseon period, historical, poetic, and essay genres written in Classical Chinese (hanmun), along with vernacular literary forms such as hyangga and sijo, were fundamental elements of a literary tradition connected to the court and scholarly circles. In the 18th and 19th centuries, folk narratives, long-form prose stories (soseol) dealing with moral and social themes, and oral storytelling traditions became widespread.
At the beginning of the 20th century, the colonial period transformed literature both in content and form. Under Japanese colonial rule, modern novel and poetry genres emerged; themes of identity, modernization, colonialism, and resistance were explored. After 1945, experiences of division, war, and rapid industrialization led to frequent treatment of topics such as internal migration, urbanization, class differences, and authoritarian politics in novels and short stories. From the 1980s onward, the democratization process brought greater diversity to themes such as individual experience, women’s narratives, generational conflicts, and globalization in literature.
In the contemporary period, alongside printed novels, poetry, and essays, web novels and illustrated online narratives (e.g., webtoon format) have become important subgenres of literature. Some of these texts interact with visual culture through television drama and film adaptations. The literary field exhibits fluidity between major publishing houses and literary magazines and popular genres; university departments, creative writing programs, and translation support enable national literature to circulate internationally.
Performing arts constitute a field where traditional performance forms coexist with modern and popular genres. Traditional music (gugak) encompasses vocal and instrumental genres performed with stringed instruments like the kayagum and wind instruments like the piri. The narrative-singing tradition of pansori stands out as a performance style in which a single narrator conveys a long story through song, speech, and gestures; in the modern era, it has been reinterpreted through stage productions and film and drama adaptations. Masked dances and folk performances are staged at regional festivals and cultural centers, maintaining the connection between traditional rituals and contemporary culture.
In the field of modern performing arts, theater, musicals, and contemporary dance troupes are primarily active in Seoul and major metropolitan areas. Alongside state-supported national stages, private theaters and small venues program both classical plays and works by contemporary Korean playwrights.
Popular music and performance arts have become visible on a global scale since the beginning of the 21st century through the “Hallyu” (Korean Wave) process.
K-pop groups, with their intense choreography, visual stage design, and digital platform-based fan communities, constitute a significant part of the music industry. Television dramas (K-dramas) and online content platforms have increased the fluidity between performing arts and screen culture; connections between dramas, music, and tourism have contributed to specific filming locations becoming cultural tourism destinations.
Taekwondo, as a martial art, also generates a performance field intersecting with performing arts through ceremonies, demonstration teams, and international competitions. National and international championships, opening ceremonies, and special performances position taekwondo as both a sport and a cultural representation.
In the field of visual arts, historical tradition and contemporary production are intertwined. The traditional Korean painting tradition (minhwa and court painting) produced compositions rich in aesthetic and moral content through depictions of nature, calligraphy-integrated text-image wholes, and scenes of daily life. Ink and brush techniques placed calligraphy at the intersection of literary and visual culture; the importance given to calligraphy became part of education and bureaucratic tradition.
Ceramic and porcelain production, particularly during the Joseon period, established a standard aesthetic for state rituals and daily-use items through white porcelain. Today, traditional ceramic and craft production continues as cultural heritage through local markets and museum exhibitions.
In the contemporary art field, painting, sculpture, installation, media art, and photography are organized around galleries, art biennales, and museums in Seoul and other major cities. Museums supported by the state and local administrations, along with private galleries, run mixed programs exhibiting works by both Korean and international artists. Urban public art practices, murals, and thematic cultural streets increase the visibility of visual arts in daily urban life.
Online content production, graphic design, and illustrated narrative forms (especially webtoon format) have created new intersection areas between visual arts and publishing and entertainment industries. These productions have become one of the main content sources circulating throughout the cultural industries alongside television dramas and film adaptations.
Korean cuisine is organized around a meal structure based on rice, vegetables, fermented products, and soups/stews. Kimchi, a staple side dish consumed almost daily, is prepared by fermenting various vegetables, primarily cabbage. The characteristic feature of traditional meals is the multi-dish table featuring rice (bap), soup or stew, and numerous side dishes (banchan).
Bibimbap (a mixed dish of various vegetables, meat, and egg on rice), bulgogi (marinated thin slices of meat), jjigae-type stews (e.g., doenjang-jjigae, kimchi-jjigae), and seafood are among the main food groups of the cuisine. Regional differences are evident; for example, the variety of side dishes in Jeolla region, the prominence of fish and seafood in coastal areas, and the widespread consumption of seaweed and seafood on Jeju Island.
Special dishes prepared during traditional festivals and rituals form the ceremonial dimension of the cuisine. During Seollal, rice cake soup (tteokguk), and during Chuseok, rice cake varieties (songpyeon) and various meat/vegetable dishes are central to family meals. Meal tables prepared for ancestral reverence rituals are set according to a specific hierarchy and arrangement; this arrangement persists as part of ritual practice and cultural memory.
The opening of Korean restaurants within and outside the country has contributed to the international visibility of culinary culture. The cuisine, highlighting fermented products, vegetable-based dishes, and spicy flavors, is an essential component of both daily eating practices and special occasions such as festivals, weddings, commemorations, and ancestral reverence rituals. Thus, cuisine has become an element that serves both the daily dimension of local life and the function of cultural diplomacy and tourism.
Within the borders of the Republic of Korea, there are numerous cultural and natural heritage sites inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List. These sites are geographically distributed particularly in the central region around Seoul and in Gyeongsangbuk-do, Jeollabuk-do, Jeollanam-do, Gyeongsangnam-do, Incheon, and Jeju Special Self-Governing Province.
In the capital region, the Changdeokgung Palace Complex, Jongmyo Confucian Shrine, and Joseon Royal Tombs are located. Hwaseong Fortress (Suwon) and Namhansanseong near Seoul are two military heritage sites connected to the historical defense system of the capital. In Gyeongsangbuk-do, the Seokguram Grotto and Bulguksa Temple, located in Gyeongju, the former capital of the Silla Kingdom, provide examples of early Buddhist architecture and urban planning.
As examples of rural settlement patterns, the historical villages of Hahoe in Andong and Yangdong in Gyeongju demonstrate the spatial organization, residential architecture, and social stratification of Joseon-era aristocratic family structures. The Dolmen Sites of Gochang, Hwasun, and Ganghwa document prehistoric stone monuments and Bronze Age burial traditions.
On Jeju Special Self-Governing Province, “Jeju Volcanic Island and Lava Tubes” is the only natural World Heritage site, comprising the Hallasan Natural Reserve, Geomunoreum Lava Tube System, and Seongsan Ilchulbong Tuff Cone. This ensemble forms a geological diversity area including crater structures, parasitic cones, lava tubes, and coastal forms.
Beyond the UNESCO-designated areas, numerous historical structures, fortresses, palaces, and archaeological sites are spread throughout the country. The palaces Gyeongbokgung, Changdeokgung, and others in Seoul’s historic center concretely illustrate Joseon-era palace architecture and the spatial organization of palace administration, rituals, and royal life.
Among military defense structures, fortresses around Ganghwa and Gaeseong are parts of the historical defensive belt protecting the capital to the west and north. Hwaseong Fortress in Gyeonggi-do and Namhansanseong in Gwangju served to defend the capital to the south and east; they can be read as examples where topography was integrated with military strategy.
The Daereungwon tumulus area in Gyeongju reveals Silla-era burial traditions through royal and aristocratic tomb structures. The Seokguram Grotto and Bulguksa Temple contain important examples of early Buddhist art through stone carvings, Buddhist architectural elements, and spatial arrangements. In the villages of Hahoe and Yangdong around Andong and Gyeongju, residential types, educational institutions like seowon, and living arrangements allow the physical traces of Joseon-era rural elite life to be traced.
Cities such as Gyeongju, Andong, and Jeonju are centers of cultural heritage tourism, characterized by preserved historical urban fabric, temples, and village settlements. In these cities, historical street layouts, traditional residences, markets, and local festivals draw attention as elements reflecting the historical continuity of settlements.
In Korea, numerous museums, art galleries, and cultural centers operate at national, regional, and local levels. The National Museum in Seoul is one of the main institutions bringing together archaeological artifacts, art objects, and ethnographic collections related to the country’s history. National contemporary art museums, private galleries, and public cultural-art centers include both historical collections and modern and contemporary productions.
Regional and city museums organize permanent and temporary exhibitions on local history, industry, maritime affairs, agriculture, and regional culture, making visible the spatial diversity of cultural heritage. Statistics on cultural infrastructure show an overall increase in the number of public libraries, museums, art galleries, and cultural-art centers between 2005 and 2013; this increase indicates that public investments have supported access to cultural activities in different regions.
Festivals are also an important component of cultural life. Over a thousand local festivals are held annually across the country; these events use local cuisine, performing arts, historical events, or natural features as themes. The Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism classifies certain festivals each year as “representative” or “recommended”; thus, a framework emerges to guide local administrations in tourism promotion and cultural programming.
Large cities such as Seoul, Busan, Incheon, Daegu, and Gwangju are primary cultural attractions for both domestic and international tourism, with museums, art institutions, performance venues, large-scale festivals, and convention centers. Jeju Island, linked to its natural heritage status, is a region where nature-based tourism, culture, and convention tourism are actively pursued.
The Korean tourism sector exhibits a multidimensional structure in terms of both international visitors and domestic travel. International tourists primarily come from East Asia, Southeast Asia, and North America. Japan, the People’s Republic of China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Southeast Asian countries are major country groups with high shares of total visitors. Visitors from North America (particularly the United States and Canada), various European countries, and the Middle East also form other components of the tourism profile.
In terms of spatial distribution, the Seoul metropolitan area, Gyeonggi region, and Jeju Island are the destinations most heavily visited by international tourists. Seoul, with its urban fabric combining historical palace complexes, Jongmyo Shrine, traditional neighborhoods like Bukchon, museums, contemporary architectural examples, shopping districts, and popular culture venues, is a major center for business, culture, and shopping visits.
Jeju Island is a frequently visited destination for coastal recreation and nature-based tourism due to its volcanic landscape, coastal areas, and protected natural environment. Port cities such as Busan and Incheon are important for cruise tourism, marine tourism, and short-term city visits.
In domestic tourism, mobility is observed from major cities to coastal areas, mountainous regions, and thermal facilities during weekends and short holidays. The widespread availability of railway and road networks enables short-term travel between regional tourism centers. Local festivals, agritourism practices (harvest and seasonal festivals), traditional markets, and rural accommodation options are part of domestic tourism activities.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, travel restrictions and quarantine measures caused sharp declines in international visitor numbers; this period is recorded as a clear break in tourism series. After the gradual reopening of borders, there has been a renewed increase in both foreign visitor numbers and domestic tourism mobility.
As of 2023, the direct share of travel and tourism activities in the Republic of Korea’s GDP is approximately 3.8%; these activities generated an economic value of 84.7 trillion won in the same year. Tourism is a significant activity area in the Republic of Korea’s economy, particularly in terms of the services sector, regional development, and foreign exchange inflows. It generates chain effects through transportation, accommodation, food and beverage, retail, entertainment, and cultural industries; tourism-related employment in large cities such as Seoul, Busan, Incheon, Daegu, Gwangju, and Jeju is a component of the local economy.
Official tourism statistics are primarily produced by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism and the Korea Tourism Organization. Entry–exit data at border checkpoints, passport controls, air and sea transport records, and information collected from accommodation facilities are compiled into annual and periodic reports. These statistics track visitor numbers, length of stay, per capita spending levels, and the distribution of expenditures across categories such as accommodation, food and drink, shopping, cultural activities, and transportation.
In evaluating tourism’s share in the economy, both direct tourism expenditures and indirect effects in tourism-related sectors are taken into account. For coastal areas, island settlements, and specific inland regions, tourism constitutes one of the main activities generating local income and employment. Additionally, business and convention tourism, cultural events, and educational travel also have visible shares in the services balance.
Tourism policies are based on plans and strategy documents prepared by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism and the Korea Tourism Organization. These documents include goals such as increasing destination diversity, reducing regional imbalances, integrating sustainability principles into tourism practices, preserving cultural heritage sites, and improving visitor experience. One of the emphasized elements in recent years is strengthening data-driven decision-making processes in tourism.
In this context, in 2021, the Korea Tourism Data Lab was established within the Korea Tourism Organization as a data platform. The platform is a digital infrastructure that brings together public and private sector data sets related to tourism. Official tourism statistics, mobile location data, credit card spending records, accommodation reservation systems, transportation data, and field observations from local administrations are collected under one umbrella and analyzed at different spatial scales.
Indicators and map-based visualizations produced by the Data Lab are used in decision-making processes such as pedestrian and vehicle traffic management in large cities, public transportation frequency, planning of tour bus parking areas, and adjustment of service capacity according to visitor density. Local administrations use these reports to forecast expected visitor density during specific festivals and events and to plan security, cleanliness, health services, and transportation accordingly.
Credit card spending and business-based data allow the categorization of visitor expenditures by activity type. This enables the identification of which types of businesses are preferred in coastal towns, rural destinations, or urban centers, average spending levels, and seasonal variations. This information serves as a reference for support programs targeting small and medium-sized tourism enterprises, identifying new investment areas, and integrating local products into tourism.
The Data Lab is also used as a capacity-building tool to enhance data literacy. Training programs, online courses, and workshops are organized for public officials, local tourism organizations, researchers, and industry representatives; these events cover topics such as spatial analysis, indicator reading, and data visualization. Competitions and application examples encouraging local administrations or entrepreneurs to develop data-based tourism projects are part of the process of grounding tourism policies in empirical evidence.
Digital applications are another component enabling the implementation of Data Lab data on the ground. Local administrations and destination management organizations use this data to develop digital visitor cards, route planning applications, thematic walking and cultural routes, multilingual information systems, and targeted promotional campaigns. Thus, tourism policy has evolved into a data-driven structure that can be continuously updated through spatial analysis and digital tools.
Since the founding of the Republic of Korea in 1948, its foreign policy and security structure have been determined by the division of the Korean Peninsula and the Cold War context. Shortly after its founding, South Korea established close relations with the United States and received military and political support during the Korean War (1950–1953) under the United Nations Command. The 1953 Defense Agreement established a permanent alliance framework, forming the main axis of South Korea’s security architecture.
During the Cold War, foreign policy priorities were pursued in conjunction with the perception of military threats from North Korea, internal regime stability, and economic development goals. From the 1960s onward, the export-led development strategy strengthened the economic dimension of foreign policy; diplomatic openings became linked to the search for new markets and investment opportunities. During this period, the U.S. alliance and position within the regional security order limited South Korea’s foreign policy maneuvering space but simultaneously provided the necessary external support for economic development.
From the late 1980s and early 1990s, the democratization process and the end of the Cold War led to a gradual transformation in the foreign policy tradition. South Korea began to pursue a broader diplomatic agenda beyond being merely a security-oriented ally, leveraging its economic capacity and international organizational memberships. In this process, the “middle power” discourse was articulated alongside multilateral diplomacy, development cooperation, and participation in global governance processes.
Several key turning points stand out in South Korea’s foreign policy and security history:
In the security domain, compulsory military service, the high personnel strength of the regular army composed of land, air, and naval forces, and defense plans adapted to the peninsula’s division remain fundamental structural elements. U.S.-South Korea joint defense arrangements are continuously updated to include coordination of conventional and nuclear deterrence elements.
South Korea–U.S. relations have been decisive in security and politics since the founding of the Republic of Korea. The U.S. role during the Korean War under the United Nations Command and the 1953 mutual defense agreement defined the alliance relationship. U.S. troops stationed on South Korean territory and joint command structures are fundamental elements of deterrence and defense planning.
After the Cold War, the alliance continued as part of the military balance on the peninsula and the Northeast Asian security order. In the 2000s, counterterrorism, regional crises, and international peace operations were added to the agenda. Economically, the free trade agreement (KORUS FTA) institutionalized bilateral trade and investment relations; parallel mechanisms for intensive cooperation have been developed in technology, defense industry, energy, and services.
Although issues such as the location of bases, sharing of defense costs, and domestic public opinion debates have occasionally affected the alliance relationship, North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic programs ensure the continuity of the two countries’ security coordination.
Diplomatic relations between China and South Korea were formally established in 1992. Since then, China has become one of South Korea’s main trading partners; mutual dependence has increased, especially in industrial production and supply chains.
In the security dimension, China, as North Korea’s closest external partner, holds a central position in the equation on the Korean Peninsula. South Korea, while maintaining its alliance with the United States, seeks a balance to prevent negative impacts on its economic relations with China.
Diplomatic tensions during the deployment of the U.S. missile defense system (e.g., THAAD) in South Korea have demonstrated the limits of this balancing act. Nevertheless, China and South Korea participate together in regional multilateral platforms (ASEAN+3, East Asia Summit, etc.) in various areas.
South Korea–Japan relations carry a historical burden due to the colonial period from 1910–1945. Diplomatic relations were normalized through the 1965 Basic Relations Agreement, and a framework for economic cooperation was established. Economically, trade and investment flows have increased over time; Japan has become one of South Korea’s main trading partners.
However, historical heritage, territorial disputes, and compensation issues have caused periodic tensions between the two countries. History textbooks, symbolic visits, and the legal status of specific disputes frequently become topics of public debate.
In the security domain, both countries are allies of the United States and pursue trilateral coordination against North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic missile programs. Thus, historical and political disagreements coexist with security cooperation requirements within the same bilateral relationship.
Relations with the Soviet Union were limited and based on ideological opposition throughout the Cold War. Diplomatic relations with the Russian Federation normalized from the early 1990s; contacts have increased in energy, transportation corridors, industrial cooperation, and regional security.
As Russia is an important actor in Northeast Asia in both security and energy terms, South Korea seeks to develop relations with it through energy supply, railway and port projects, transportation corridors across Siberia, and multilateral security dialogues. However, relations with North Korea and great power competition constrain the scope and pace of this bilateral relationship.
South Korea’s relations with Europe are primarily based on multidimensional cooperation with the European Union and its member states. The entry into force of the free trade agreement with the EU has increased trade volume and enabled comprehensive arrangements in standards, investments, and services trade. Relations with Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and other European countries have diversified to include industry, technology, education, cultural exchange programs, and defense industry.
Relations with European countries are also conducted through common positions on climate change, development cooperation, human rights, and global governance. South Korea participates in regular dialogue mechanisms with the EU in these areas and supports similar agendas in multilateral platforms.
Turkey–South Korea relations trace back to the Korean War. The Turkish government’s decision on July 18, 1950, led to the deployment of a Turkish military unit as part of the United Nations Command in the Korean War; this experience created a historical bond between the two countries. Diplomatic relations were established in 1957.
Economic and trade relations have been framed through various agreements over time. The “Agreement on the Promotion and Development of Trade and Economic and Technical Cooperation” signed on May 7, 1977, the “Agreement on the Avoidance of Double Taxation” signed on December 24, 1983, and the “Agreement on the Mutual Promotion and Protection of Investments” signed on May 14, 1991, strengthened the institutional foundation of relations between the two countries.
In the 2000s, free trade arrangements came to the forefront. The “Framework Agreement on the Establishment of a Free Trade Area” signed on August 1, 2012, and the “Agreement on Trade in Goods” entered into force on May 1, 2013; the “Investment Agreement” and the “Agreement on Trade in Services,” signed on February 26, 2015, entered into force on August 1, 2018. Thus, a comprehensive free trade regime was established in trade, investment, and services.
Turkey imports from South Korea, especially electronic devices, motor vehicles, machinery, and mechanical equipment, while exporting pharmaceutical products, liquefied hydrocarbon gases, vehicle parts, certain food, and mining products.
Korean capital companies have made various investments in Turkey in sectors such as automotive, electronics, mining, tourism, and manufacturing; projects by companies such as Hyundai, LG, Daewoo, KT&G, and POSCO have stood out in bilateral economic relations. In the energy sector, memoranda of understanding have been signed between KEPCO and Turkey regarding nuclear energy projects; arrangements have been made for cooperation in contractorship and infrastructure projects in third countries.
Reports from the Seoul Embassy’s Trade Counselor’s Office and activities of the Turkey–South Korea Business Council are the main platforms for tracking bilateral relations at the institutional level. The Business Council has organized business forums and sectoral meetings during high-level visits since 1989, mediating the resolution of trade and investment-related problems with relevant institutions. In tourism, an increase has been observed in the number of visitors from South Korea to Turkey, and reciprocal cultural interaction continues through media, dramas, and popular culture.
South Korea actively utilizes its membership in multilateral organizations in conducting its foreign policy and security agenda. Since joining the United Nations in 1991, it has actively participated in UN General Assembly and Security Council activities; in 1996, it became a member of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), joining the group of industrialized countries. Membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), along with its network of free trade agreements, forms one of the frameworks shaping the country’s trade regime.
South Korea is also a member of the G20 Platform; it participates in discussions on global economic governance, financial stability, development, and climate policy. In the Asia-Pacific region, frameworks such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), ASEAN+3, and the East Asia Summit enable South Korea to pursue its regional economic and security agenda through multilateral platforms.
In addition, the MIKTA initiative, composed of Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia, has emerged as a consultation and coordination platform aiming to enable middle-sized economies to act coherently in global governance. South Korea is also a member of various development banks, environment and climate-oriented organizations, and international bodies focused on peace and security.
The Republic of Korea’s armed forces consist of three main components: the Army, Navy, and Air Force. The Army is the largest force, with approximately 365,000 personnel. Its inventory includes 2,236 main battle tanks, approximately 58,880 armored vehicles and personnel carriers, 3,270 self-propelled howitzers, 4,400 towed artillery systems, and 426 multiple rocket launcher systems. The unit structure is organized around armored and mechanized infantry divisions, artillery brigades, special forces, and air assault units. These units are deployed in layered defense belts along the North Korean border.
The Navy, with approximately 70,000 personnel, operates in the East Sea, Yellow Sea, and Korea Strait. The fleet includes 227 platforms: 13 destroyers, 17 frigates, 5 corvettes, 22 submarines, 35 patrol vessels, and 14 mine warfare vessels. Additionally, there are two large amphibious/helicopter carriers capable of deploying helicopters. Busan, Jinhae, Mokpo, and Jeju are the main naval bases; these bases are used to control maritime transport routes and coastal waters.
The Air Force and naval aviation together have 1,592 aircraft. This total includes 315 fighter jets, 98 attack aircraft, 41 transport aircraft, 318 trainer aircraft, 36 special mission aircraft, and 4 tanker aircraft. The rotary-wing component consists of 807 helicopters, of which 111 are attack helicopters. The Air Force has approximately 65,000 personnel. Air bases are distributed across the country and form a multi-layered air defense system together with radar networks and ground-based air defense systems.【35】
Korean defense industry has developed domestic production capacity in land systems, artillery systems, shipbuilding, and aviation. Main battle tanks, self-propelled howitzers, infantry fighting vehicles, and multiple rocket launcher systems are produced by national firms; these systems are used both to meet domestic needs and for export.
The shipbuilding sector plays a role in the design and production of destroyers, frigates, submarines, and amphibious platforms. In aviation, projects for trainer aircraft and light attack aircraft, as well as helicopter modernization programs, are underway. Joint development projects and licensed production are pursued to increase technology transfer and domestic subsystem usage.
The country’s population is slightly above 52 million; approximately 26 million people are in the military-age labor pool. About 21.3 million are considered “service-eligible,” and more than 400,000 individuals reach military age each year. Total military personnel stand at approximately 3.82 million. Of these, 600,000 are in active forces, 3.1 million are in reserve status, and 120,000 serve in official paramilitary structures. The conscription system, particularly for the male population, is the primary source of personnel; long-term reserve obligations after discharge support mobilization plans.【36】
Defense expenditures are approximately 46.3 billion U.S. dollars. Within the context of an economy with a purchasing power parity of 2.6 trillion U.S. dollars, this amount is a budgetary item planned according to security threat perceptions and alliance obligations.
Foreign exchange and gold reserves are around 420 billion U.S. dollars; external debt stock stands at 503.5 billion U.S. dollars. Defense investments are shaped through force modernization, defense industry projects, and personnel expenditures.
The road network consists of approximately 100,428 kilometers of highways and 3,979 kilometers of railways. The length of usable inland waterways is approximately 1,600 kilometers. The country has 89 airports and 15 seaports/merchant marine terminals; a merchant fleet of 2,149 vessels is the main carrier of maritime transport. The labor force of 29.6 million people serves as a potential resource for both the civilian economy and mobilization planning.【37】
In energy, crude oil production is 38,000 barrels per year, while consumption is approximately 2.45 million barrels; there are no proven oil reserves. Natural gas production is 55.1 million cubic meters, consumption is 59.48 billion cubic meters, and proven reserves are approximately 7.08 billion cubic meters. Coal production is 15.6 million tons, consumption is 136.4 million tons, and proven coal reserves are approximately 326 million tons. This picture shows that a significant portion of defense logistics is planned based on imported energy sources.【38】
The operational history of the Republic of Korea’s armed forces was shaped by the 1950–1953 Korean War. The armed forces, under the United Nations Command, conducted defense and counteroffensive operations against the northern attack during this period; the war ended de facto with the 1953 Panmunjom Armistice Agreement, but no peace treaty was signed. After the armistice, the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) was established between North and South Korea; ground forces and fire support elements were deployed along this line in a defensive arrangement.
During the Cold War years, the army focused primarily on peninsula defense and participated in joint exercises with the United States. In the 1960s and 1970s, Korean units participated in the Vietnam War, particularly in ground operations and coastal security missions. After the Cold War, during conflicts such as the First Gulf War and the Iraq War, Korea provided logistical support and non-combat roles; the Zaytun Division stationed in northern Iraq is one such example.
From the 2000s onward, the Korean military began to participate more intensively in United Nations peacekeeping operations and multinational mission forces. It undertook peacekeeping, reconstruction, and engineering tasks in locations such as Lebanon, East Timor, South Sudan, and Haiti.【39】 A continuous naval force, the Cheonghae Unit, has been deployed in the Gulf of Aden and off the coast of Somalia to combat piracy; this unit has carried out escort and protection duties for commercial vessels.【40】
In recent times, operational priorities can be summarized as maintaining deterrence on the Korean Peninsula, enhancing defense capabilities against ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction, developing capabilities in cyber and space domains, and preserving joint operational capabilities within the alliance framework. The armed forces continue planning activities aimed at both national defense scenarios and selected external operations within this framework.
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History
Ancient Period and the Three Kingdoms
Medieval Period: Goryeo Dynasty and Northern Borders
Early Modern Period: Joseon Dynasty (1392–19th Century)
Modern Period and the Korean Empire (Daehan Jeguk)
Japanese Colonial Rule (1910–1945)
After World War II
Division and Establishment of Two States (1945–1948)
Korean War (1950–1953)
First Republic and Political Crises After the War
Military Intervention, Developmental State, and Yuşin System
Fifth Republic and the Democratization Process
From the 1987 Constitution to the Present
National Anthem (Aegukga)
Flag (Taegeukgi)
Symbols and Design Elements
Geography
Location (Borders and Neighbors)
Landforms
Mountains
Plains and Valleys
Rivers and Lakes
Climate and Vegetation
Natural Resources
Energy and Transportation Infrastructure
Energy
Transportation Infrastructure
Economy
Key Economic Indicators
Sectoral Distribution
Agriculture and Livestock
Industry
Services and Financial System
Foreign Trade
Foreign Investment and Business Environment
Demography and Education
Key Demographic Indicators
Population Distribution and Urbanization
Ethnic Structure
Religious Distribution
Migration and Population Decline
Education
Literacy Rate
Educational Institutions
Culture
Literature
Performing Arts
Visual Arts
Culinary Culture
Tourism
Tourist Regions and Attractions
UNESCO World Heritage Sites
Historical Cities, Structures, and Archaeological Sites
Museums and Cultural Institutions
Tourism Policy
Profile of Tourists Visiting the Country
Tourism’s Share in the Economy
Foreign Policy and Security
From Foundation to Present
Foreign Policy Tradition
Key Turning Points
Bilateral Relations
United States
People’s Republic of China
Japan
Russian Federation
European Countries
Turkey
International Organizations
Armed Forces and Military Capacity
Land, Air, and Naval Components
Defense Industry – Personnel Status – Defense Budget and Logistics Infrastructure
Defense Industry
Personnel Status
Defense Budget
Logistics Infrastructure
Operational History
