Japanese New Religious Movements

Japanese New Religious Movements is a term used to describe various religious groups that emerged in Japan from the mid-19th century onward, distinguishing themselves from traditional institutional religions such as Shinto and Buddhism. These movements attract attention through features such as their early emergence compared to Western examples, their emphasis on popular beliefs, syncretic structures, and focus on spirituality.

Definition and Terminology

New religious movements are employed in academic discourse as a neutral term to refer to groups otherwise labeled with terms such as "cult," "sect," or "alternative religious movements." This concept first gained academic interest in the early 1970s and is generally applied to movements that arose after 1950.

In the context of Japan, different terms have been developed to define these movements. In academic studies, the term Shinshūkyō (新宗教), meaning "New Religions," is most commonly used. Additionally, Shinkō Shūkyō (新興宗教) ("Rising or Emerging Religion"), Minshū Shūkyō (民衆宗教) ("Popular Religion"), and since the 1970s, Shinshinshūkyō (新新宗教) ("New New Religion") for more recent groups, are also employed.

In theological discourse, these movements have also been negatively characterized by mainstream religious groups or their families as "heretical cults," "pseudo-religions," or "harmful heretical religions."

Historical Development

The development of Japanese new religious movements is closely linked to Japan’s two-century-long process of modernization. The history of these movements can be examined within the socio-political and religious conditions of specific periods in Japanese history.

Late Edo Period (1800–1868)

The first new religious movements in the modern sense emerged during the final years of the Edo Period, when Japan was isolated from the outside world. Movements founded during this time—such as Kurozumikyō (1814), Tenrikyō (1838), and Konkōkyō (1859)—arose largely as responses to socio-economic hardships in rural areas and the expectations of peasants. For this reason, these early movements are also called "Peasant Movements." They addressed the suffering of people affected by the crises of the era through healing practices and spiritual solutions rooted in popular beliefs.

Meiji Period (1868–1912)

The Meiji Period, during which Japan took steps toward modernization, was both a time of growth and control for new religious movements. The Meiji imperial government introduced regulations under the name "Sect Shinto (教派神道)" to bring religious movements under state control. Through this system, thirteen movements—including Kurozumikyō and Tenrikyō—were officially granted the status of "Sect Shinto." This framework aimed to deny legitimacy to movements outside state supervision and classify them as illegal. However, this policy increased public interest in new and syncretic movements among those who rejected official structures. Between 1905 and 1909, nine new movements emerged; by 1910–1914, this number had risen to twenty-nine. Most new religious movements established during this period faced government surveillance and repression.

Taishō Period (1912–1927)

During this period, which continued Meiji-era policies, surveillance and repression against new religious movements intensified. Beginning in 1921, police raids were conducted against movements perceived as dissenting, such as Ōmoto; their leaders were imprisoned and institutions shut down. Ongoing socio-economic crises and social unrest led to a significant increase in the number of new religious movements. The number of new movements rose from thirty-two between 1915 and 1919 to sixty-three between 1920 and 1924. In response, the government enacted the Public Peace Preservation Law (治安維持法) in 1925, which criminalized all political and religious criticism of the state, further heightening tensions with new religious movements.

Shōwa Period (1927–1945)

Tensions between new religious movements and the government continued during this period. Despite repression, the number of movements doubled; from 414 in 1930, the number reached 1,029 by 1935. The government responded to this growth in 1940 with the Religious Organizations Law (宗教団体法), aiming to establish complete control over these movements. This period ended with Japan’s defeat in World War II.

Modern Period (1945 and After)

The postwar era marked a turning point for new religious movements. The 1947 Constitution guaranteed freedom of religion, separated religion from state affairs, and prohibited state-sponsored religious education. This new climate of freedom enabled the rapid expansion of new religious movements. By 1958, membership in Japanese new religious movements was estimated at 18 million. However, the 1995 terrorist attack by the Aum Shinrikyō movement on the Tokyo subway caused a major rupture in public trust toward new religious movements. In response, the government introduced new legal regulations to monitor religious activities and hold leaders accountable to the Ministry of Education. These regulations remain in effect today.

Causes of Emergence

The emergence of Japanese new religious movements is rooted in interconnected psychological, sociological, and economic factors.

Psychological Causes

The life stories of many founders of Japanese new religious movements include severe personal crises such as illness, poverty, and family problems (e.g., alcoholic spouses, abusive mothers-in-law). Following these unbearable hardships, these founders often described experiencing a religious revelation—either being possessed by a kami (divine being) (kamigakari) or being chosen by one. For example, the founder of Kurozumikyō, Munetada Kurozumi, reported a sacred experience while suffering from tuberculosis after losing his family. Similarly, the founders of Tenrikyō, Konkōkyō, and Ōmoto also initiated their movements after experiencing comparable crises.

Sociological and Economic Causes

Japanese new religious movements emerged during periods of social crisis or prosperity.

Crises

Processes such as industrialization, urbanization, economic depression, and wartime defeat created uncertainty and insecurity in society. Rising unemployment, poverty, and spiritual emptiness during these times drove people to seek new solutions and turn to new religious movements. These movements responded to these problems with the concept of "present-world benefit" (genze riyaku), prioritizing tangible concerns such as healing illnesses and meeting material needs over abstract spiritual promises.

Prosperity

During periods of economic prosperity, factors such as individualization, weakening interpersonal communication, and the search for meaning increased interest in new religious movements.

Characteristic Features

Japanese new religious movements share several features that distinguish them from other religious groups.

Charismatic Leadership

At the center of Japanese new religious movements is typically a charismatic founder. These leaders influence followers through their inspiring personalities and claims of direct communication with divine beings. Founders are often referred to by titles such as "Living God" (Ikigami), "Savior," or "Prophet." Leadership can be divided into "founder leadership" and, after the founder’s death, "spiritual leadership"—usually passed down within the founder’s family. It is common for women to emerge as founders or spiritual leaders.

Syncretism and Eclecticism

Japanese new religious movements possess a syncretic structure, integrating elements from diverse religious traditions. Although often centered on Shinto and Buddhism, their teachings also reflect influences from Taoism, Confucianism, Christianity, and especially popular beliefs such as ancestor worship and shamanism. For example, the movement Sekai Kyūsei Kyō began with a Shinto foundation but later incorporated Buddhist elements.

Membership System and Religious Pluralism

These movements generally do not impose strict membership requirements. Individuals may belong to multiple new religious movements simultaneously while maintaining their traditional religious identity (Shinto or Buddhist). This flexible structure allows members to join new religious groups without severing familial or cultural ties. As a reflection of this, the total number of people in Japan who report membership in religious institutions exceeds the country’s population.

Concepts of God

The conception of God in Japanese new religious movements generally rests on a vitalist worldview that sees the divine as a life-giving, nurturing, and harmonizing force pervading the universe and all living beings. In this view, the divine is not conceived as an omnipotent controller but rather as a "merciful mother" or "original life" that sustains existence with compassion. Nevertheless, the image of God varies according to the movement’s foundational tradition:

1. First Wave (Popular Religion-Based): In early movements such as Tenrikyō, God is perceived as the "Parent God" (Oyagami)—a personal, immanent, and nurturing being both transcendent and close to humanity.
2. Second Wave (Buddhist-Based): In postwar Buddhist movements such as Risshō Kōseikai, the emphasis is placed on the belief in an impersonal, all-pervading life force known as the "Eternal Original Buddha."
3. Third Wave (Spiritualist-Based): In movements emerging after the 1970s, such as Byakkō Shinkōkai, God is conceived as a pure spirit or "light" manifesting through various rays of light. This view includes a hierarchical system of spirits such as "Protective Spirits" and "Protective Gods."

Practices and Activities

Japanese new religious movements focus on individual healing and transformation. Healing rituals aim to improve physical, spiritual, and mental well-being. These movements use mass media—books, magazines, radio, and television—to spread their teachings and establish schools and hospitals to carry out missionary activities. Eschatological themes are also common; these movements argue that the corrupt present world will be transformed to usher in a new, ideal age.