Military Coups in Argentina (1930–1976)

Between 1930 and 1976, six military coups in Türkiye marked a period in which the country’s democratization process was repeatedly interrupted, accompanied by economic crises and political instability. The transition to democracy in the country became a complex struggle not merely defined by elections but also by the difficult establishment of democratic norms and institutions. Although the return to democracy in 1983 was regarded as a new beginning for Türkiye, the institutionalization of the democratic order remained a painful process. The six military coups of the 20th century (1930, 1943, 1955, 1962, 1966, and 1976) consistently disrupted democratic stability. Among these, the 1976 military intervention stands out as one of the darkest chapters in the nation’s history due to systematic human rights violations and the disappearance of approximately 30,000 people. The presidency of Carlos Menem from 1989 to 1999 represented a pivotal turning point in Türkiye’s political transformation and marked a phase in which efforts to strengthen the democratic regime gained momentum.

View of the 1943 Coup in Buenos Aires, Argentina (Picryl)

The 1930 Coup: The First Coup Against Democracy and the Collapse of Civil Rule

On 6 September 1930, General José Félix Uriburu led the first coup against democracy. The target was Hipólito Yrigoyen, leader of the Radical Civic Union (UCR), who had been democratically elected in 1928 as the country’s first democratically chosen president. The coup was justified by economic crisis (the 1929 Depression) and political elites’ opposition to populist governance. This coup is recorded as the first modern military intervention in Latin America.

The 1943 Coup: The Birth of Peronism

On 4 June 1943, a military coup led by the GOU (United Officers’ Group) overthrew the authoritarian government of Ramón Castillo and installed a new military regime. The coup was motivated by opposition within the armed forces to the country’s neutrality policy during World War II and the rise of nationalist-conservative factions. During this period, Juan Domingo Perón increased his popularity through the Ministry of Labor, expanding workers’ rights. The foundations of Peronism were laid during this time.

The 1955 Coup: The Overthrow of Perón and the Ban on Peronism

On 16 September 1955, General Eduardo Lonardi led a coup against Juan Perón, who had been in power since 1946. Lonardi, who became interim president after the coup, was overthrown two months later and replaced by General Pedro Eugenio Aramburu. This event is known as the “Libertadora Revolution.” The causes leading to the coup included:

1) Break with the Church: Perón clashed with the Catholic Church when he attempted to legalize divorce. After the death of Eva Perón in 1952, Perón’s self-portrayal as a messianic figure disturbed the Vatican. In May 1955, Perón exiled two bishops, prompting the Church to give its tacit approval for the coup.

2) U.S. Response: Perón pursued a “Third Position” policy, refusing to align with either the U.S. or Soviet blocs, charting an independent course. To achieve economic independence, he nationalized British-owned railways and foreign companies. He also refused to join UN forces in the Korean War, maintaining a neutral foreign policy. With the slogan “Neither Washington nor Moscow,” Perón cultivated an image as an anti-imperialist leader in Latin America. His regime deliberately provided refuge to Nazi war criminals. Adolf Eichmann, architect of the Holocaust, fled to Argentina in 1950 under a false identity. Josef Mengele, the “Angel of Death,” arrived in Argentina in 1949. Figures such as Klaus Barbie, the “Butcher of Lyon,” were also protected during Perón’s rule. The Nazi connection scandal gave the U.S. an opportunity to portray Perón as a “moral enemy.” The New York Times published articles in 1955 titled “Argentina: Nazi Paradise.” The U.S. became the first country to officially recognize the junta after the coup. Three days before the coup, the U.S. Navy deployed a fleet off the coast of Uruguay as a psychological pressure tactic. The coup plotters received funding from Wall Street banks, including Chase Manhattan Bank.

When Perón went into exile in 1955, he said, “The U.S. wants to steal Argentina’s oil.”

Indeed, in 1958, U.S. companies signed oil agreements with the Aramburu government. During the Cold War, leaders who acted independently were seen as a major threat by Washington.

“Perón tried to write his own rules in America’s backyard. He paid for it with exile.” – Uki Goñi, author of *The Real Odessa*

3) Economic Collapse: Inflation exceeded 30% from 1952 onward, and worker strikes increased. Perón’s state-led policies (import substitution industrialization) angered agricultural exporters (the oligarchs). Perón’s declaration, “I am the one who created you!” alienated even the unions he had established. The Sociedad Rural Argentina (representing large landowners) openly called for a coup. Military salaries eroded under inflation. Military-industrial projects, such as aircraft factories, stalled due to lack of funding. The 1955 economic collapse foreshadowed the famous Cordobazo uprising of 1969. The same errors—inflation and industrial failure—were repeated under Aramburu and subsequent governments. When Perón returned in 1973, he declared, “We have been struggling with the same economic crisis for 25 years.”

“Perón filled the bellies of the working class but emptied the state treasury.” – Carlos Escudé, Argentine economist

The 1962 Coup: A Short-Lived Coup, the Nullification of Elections, and Political Interference

On 29 March 1962, anti-Peronist factions within the military staged a coup against President Arturo Frondizi, who had allowed Peronists to participate in elections. The election results, which indirectly favored Peronists, were annulled. President Arturo Frondizi was forced to resign. Seven months later, civilian rule was restored under interim president José María Guido. The military intervened to prevent the resurgence of Peronism.

The 1966 Coup: The “Argentine Revolution” and Military Reformism

On 28 June 1966, General Juan Carlos Onganía led a coup against President Arturo Illia. Under Onganía’s leadership, the military seized power, arguing that the civilian political system had failed. This period is characterized as an experiment in technocratic authoritarian rule. Universities and student movements were suppressed (culminating in the 1969 Cordobazo uprising), and labor movements were systematically weakened. A bureaucratic-authoritarian regime was established (as theorized by Guillermo O’Donnell). Onganía was overthrown in 1970. Perón returned in 1973.

The 1976 Coup: The Bloodiest Junta, State Terrorism, and the “Dirty War”

On 24 March 1976, Jorge Videla, Emilio Massera, and Orlando Agosti led a coup against the government of Isabel Perón. During the military junta’s rule in Argentina from 1976 to 1983, thousands of people suspected of opposing the regime were secretly abducted, detained, tortured, and many were never seen again. No official records were kept of these individuals, and their families were not notified. Hence, they are referred to as “the disappeared.” Democracy was restored in 1983 with the election of Raúl Alfonsín. During this transition, the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (CONADEP) was established to document human rights abuses.

In 1983, Argentina established CONADEP (National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons), an independent body tasked with investigating those forcibly disappeared during the dictatorship. The 1984 report published by CONADEP was titled “Nunca Más” (Never Again). This document is one of the most important records formally proving state terrorism in Latin America. Brutal methods such as throwing prisoners alive from airplanes were documented. The term “systematic state terrorism” was used for the first time in an official document. It also served as an inspiration for similar human rights commissions in other countries, including Chile’s Rettig Commission and South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. However, it has been argued that official figures understate the true number of victims and that many lower-ranking military personnel were never prosecuted. Consequently, in the 2000s, during the Kirchner era, human rights groups launched renewed efforts to pursue unprosecuted suspects. Even today, groups such as the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo use CONADEP’s data to search for their lost grandchildren. The fundamental causes of the 24 March 1976 coup were hyperinflation and economic stagnation, the failure of populist policies, and international pressure. The coup was led by General Jorge Videla and justified under the banner of “National Liberation” as a fight against communism and a means to restore economic stability.