Turkish Mythology

Turkish mythology encompasses the beliefs, rituals, and narratives developed by Turkic peoples since prehistoric times regarding supernatural beings, the origin of the universe and humanity, and their ancestors. Mythological narratives are found nearly everywhere Turkic communities have settled. The mythological elements of the Turkic peoples, who spread across a vast geography from the Central Asia steppes to the interior of Europe, from the Siberian steppes to Africa, have influenced these regions and, over time, been influenced by them.

Turkic mythology centers on the belief in Gök Tanrı (Root Tengri), alongside elements rooted in Shamanism. In the universe created by Tengri, the spirit of the sky, countless nature spirits exist. Ancestor worship is also one of the elements of this belief. Turkic mythology has been passed down from generation to generation through epics (Oğuz Kağan, Ergenekon, Manas, Dede Korkut etc.), folktales, legends, and belief practices.

The earliest written traces appear in Chinese annals and the Orkhon Inscriptions. After the adoption of Islam, Turkic bards and historians recorded the old epics, allowing the elements of Turkic mythology to persist in both oral and written tradition.

Shamanism and the Ancient Turkic Belief System

Shamanism is a comprehensive set of practices based on communication with spirits and natural forces, forming the foundational belief structure of Turkic mythology. The “shaman,” or as known among the Turks, “public,” is the religious figure, sorcerer, and spiritual leader of this belief system. The shaman enters a trance state to journey to the spirit world, communicates with supernatural beings on behalf of the community, makes prophecies, heals the sick, and conducts sacrifice rituals.

Kam Costume and Drum, Novosibirsk Museum, Russia (Servet Somuncuoğlu, Taştaki Türkler, p.176)

In ancient Turkic society, the shaman held the roles of sorcerer, healer, and wise one. Prophecy, fortune-telling divination, expulsion of evil spirits, and ensuring the success of the hunt were among his duties. In this sense, Shamanism is a belief system characterized by practical efficacy rather than institutionalized religion, operating at the level of individuals and small communities.

Shamanism among the Turks (TRT2)

The ancient Turkic belief system was not limited to shamanic practices alone but also incorporated a higher exalted sky deity. The national religion of the ancient Turks is commonly referred to as the Religion of Gök Tanrı (Kök Tengri belief). According to this belief, there is one supreme and sole creator god named Tengri, who created both heaven and earth. He granted legitimacy to the Turkic khagans.

In the Orkhon Inscriptions, this belief is expressed as: “Üze kök Tengri, asra yagız place kılındıkta, ikin ara kişi oglı kılınmış,” meaning “When the blue sky above and the fertile earth below were created, humankind was made between them.”

This sentence demonstrates that the Turks held a cosmogony based on the triad of sky, earth, and human, and regarded Gök Tengri as the creator power. Thus, in Turkic religion, Tengri is the supreme authority, while the shaman acts as the intermediary between Tengri and humans.

During trance rituals, shamans beat the drum (tebür), chant, and follow melodies to undertake cosmic journeys. According to Turkic belief, the cosmos is layered: the Sky is the upper world full of light and, in some accounts, consists of seven, nine, or seventeen levels. The Underworld is the realm of darkness and is composed of seven or nine layers. Humans live between these two realms, on the earth.

Kam Drum, Novosibirsk Museum, Russia (Servet Somuncuoğlu, Taştaki Türkler, p.176)

A shaman can spiritually journey to the upper or lower realms during ceremonies, but traversing each level requires great power, and such journeys are experience and power. At the very top of the sky realms sits Bay Ülgen / Ülgen, a benevolent god, accompanied by other good spirits. At the lowest level of the underworld resides the malevolent spirit chief, Erlik.

Ülgen, in some traditions, is regarded as the son or representative of Tengri and assumes creative functions. Erlik (the underworld god) rules over evil and the dead. Shamans, in trance, ascend to Ülgen by invoking the symbol of the world tree or the pillar reaching the sky, or descend to the underworld to bargain with Erlik. The shaman’s costume and accessories are also significant: the shaman’s robe is often adorned with bird feathers, claws, and metal pieces, as it is believed that this enables the shaman to fly like a bird into the spirit world. The attire of ancient Turkic shamans frequently imitated the skins of birds or animal, allowing the shaman to embody the form of his ancestral spirit and thereby acquire its power.

In ancient Turkic belief, reverence for nature spirits and the spirits of ancestors also held great importance. Every mountain, forest, and river was believed to have a guardian spirit (İye or Yer-Su spirit). The ancient Turk offered sacrifices and, when necessary, performed animal sacrifices to appease these spirits. For example, tying a cloth to a tree or leaving a piece of fabric as an offering was a common Turkic practice, regarded as a vow (adak) presented to the water spirit. Even after the adoption of Islam, the custom of tying cloths to the tombs of saints or to trees continued among people.

Throughout their history, the Turks have believed in religions such as Manichaeism, Buddhism, Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, yet many elements of their ancient belief system have persisted within these new faiths. Among the first Muslim Turks, the goddess “Umay,” who was responsible for protecting children and women, continued to be interpreted as the “soul of the child.” Similarly, the shaman (baksı) tradition persisted through the figure of the saintly dervish.

Among heterodox Turkic dervishes who came to Anatolia, there are accounts of those who wore deer skins and transformed into birds (such as Geyikli Father and Hacı Bektaş Veli, who entered the garb of a dove), representing the continuation of ancient belief motifs under Islamic clothing.

In Turkic mythology, Shamanism has endured both as a belief system and as a rich ritual and mythology source, integrating with the belief in Gök Tengri to form the foundation of ancient Turkic faith.

Mythological Elements: Animals and Natural Phenomena

In Turkic mythology, animals and natural phenomena have been revered and feature prominently in numerous legends and symbols. Some animals were accepted as ongun (totems), and associated taboos developed. Additionally, fire, water, tree, and mountains were considered “ıduk” (sacred), giving rise to rituals and beliefs around them.

Animals: Wolf, Deer, Eagle

Wolf (Böri): The wolf is the most ancient and significant mythological symbol of the Turks. In ancient Turkic belief, it represents the first ancestor or guardian spirit. According to some researchers, the wolf was the totem of the Turks in their earliest ages; by the time of the Göktürks, it began to be regarded as a sacred symbol. Many Turkic tribes trace their origins to the legend of the steppe wolf. In the Göktürk origin myth recorded in Chinese sources, a Turkic tribe is decimated by enemies, leaving only one surviving child, a boy, who is nursed and raised by a female wolf; from this union, a new lineage emerges, giving rise to the Göktürks.

The female wolf in this legend is named Asena, and the Göktürk ruling family believed they descended from her. Epic of Oghuz Khagan also assigns a special place to the steppe wolf: during Oğuz Kağan’s campaigns, a wolf with blue-tipped fur and a blue mane guides him, walking ahead of his army to show the way. Thus, the wolf holds the identity of a guiding and ancestral figure in Turkic epics. The wolf, deeply intertwined with Turkic life, symbolizes courage and freedom. According to Ögel, “The wolf is the most important symbol of Turkic mythology.” Frequent appearances of wolf motifs in the Pazyryk kurgans and carpets demonstrate its central place in their spiritual world. Although the deer cult was more prevalent among the Mongols, the wolf became dominant among the Turks, constituting a distinct mythological motif. Even today, the wolf continues to be referred to as a national symbol in Turkic culture.

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Deer: In ancient Turkic and Altai legends, the deer holds a sacred or guiding animal role. The motif of a hunter pursuing a deer is a key to reaching paradise or a mystical land in Turkic and Siberian narratives. For example, in Altai folktales, a young man enters the underworld or the celestial realm through a magical deer, passing through a copper mountain to encounter divine beings. The deer became a symbol of fertility and ancestral spirits among steppe societies from the Scythians to the Kyrgyz. Deer figures with antlers appear frequently in the art of many steppe peoples. Among the Turks, a Maral Main cult (maral = female deer) exists; some Altai genealogies recount that the first woman descended from a deer that came from the sky. It is also known that deer motifs were preserved among Turkmen dervishes who migrated to Anatolia. The figure of Geyikli Baba is said to have traveled riding a deer and wearing a headdress adorned with deer antlers.

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These examples demonstrate that the deer motif has persisted as a sacred image even after Islam. In folk beliefs, the albız (peri) sometimes appears in the form of a deer; in some tribes, hunting deer is considered unlucky.

Eagle (Tuğrul): Eagles and other raptors occupy a place in Turkic mythology as symbols of celestial power and dynastic authority. Because of their ability to soar into the sky and nest on mountain peaks, eagles are regarded as messengers of the gods or sacred birds carrying souls. Among the Yakut Turks, the eagle is considered the animal housing the highest spirit, while the wolf loses its significance and totemic roles are transferred to bird totems. In some Yakut tribes, nobility was tied to the eagle totem; eagle-linked tribes were genuine accepted. In mythological narratives, eagles protect humans or bestow guidance upon them. For example, the legend that the mother of the Hungarian king Almos was impregnated by a falcon (falcon) is found in Turkic-Hungarian common mythology. Heroic figures descended from an eagle (or eagle spirit) also appear in Altai and Siberian origin myths.

The eagle is also a symbol of Gök Tanrı; sometimes, it is said that eagle-shaped spirits reside atop Ötüken Mountain. Turkic shamans carried eagle claws and feathers on their garments and painted eagle images on their drums, believing this granted them a share of the eagle’s power.

Taboos also existed regarding eagles and other powerful birds: for instance, the Yakut and Dolgan Turks refrained from uttering the names of sacred birds such as the eagle or swan, fearing to offend them. Even if they found a dead eagle in the forest, they would not touch it but instead bury it ceremoniously. This belief stems from the notion that these birds carry sacred spirits and that disrespect would bring misfortune. The eagle became a symbol of celestial power, sovereignty, and protection in Turkic mythology. The presence of this bird in the names of historical figures such as Tuğrul (Falcon), descended from Oğuz Kağan, reflects its status as a dynastic symbol.

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In Turkic mythology, many other animals besides the wolf, deer, and eagle are considered sacred. For detailed information on these, one may refer to Yaşar Çoruhlu’s two-volume work “Animal Symbolism in Turkic Art.”

Natural Elements: Fire, Water, Tree, Mountain

Fire: In Turkic culture, fire is not merely a natural element but is regarded as a purifying and sacred entity. According to mythological narratives, fire was bestowed upon humanity by the gods. In the Altai creation myth, the god Ülgen sends down from the sky two stone, one ak and one black; by rubbing these flint stones together, he teaches humans to ignite dry grass, thus creating the first fire. Therefore, fire was considered “sacred” (ot ızıt or od ana); special reverence was shown especially to fire kindled with flint. Yakut (Saha) Turks do not use matches in rituals but produce fire by striking flint, calling it “pure” fire; they disdain matches as “Russian fire” and refuse to use them in ceremonies.

(TRT Avaz)

In ancient Turkic homes, the hearth was sacred. The fire burning in the family hearth was regarded as the protective spirit of the family. Even today, traces of hearth cult can be found among Turkish people in Türkiye (e.g., “to fall into the hearth,” to plant a fig tree near the hearth, never to extinguish the hearth). Before Islam, fire purification rituals were widespread among the Turks. Fire was believed to be a powerful purifying force that cleansed everything of evil. This belief gave rise to the custom of passing people and animals over fire to cure illness or ward off the evil eye. According to Chinese sources, the Göktürks and Uyghurs gathered a year after a lightning fell and sacrificed a sheep to purify the site; they also shouted to the sky spirits, throwing arrows into the air when ok struck. As a practice adopted from the ancient Turks to Byzantium, people would pass between two fires (alazlama) before embarking on a journey or during epidemics.

Indeed, some Bashkir and Kazakh Turks continue the purification ritual known as “alazlama” by burning a greased cloth and passing people and animals through the smoke. Fire is never disrespected; one must not speak ill near fire, and it is strictly forbidden to extinguish fire with water, spit on fire, or play with fire. These acts are considered grave disrespect. According to belief, fire harbors the spirits of the hearth; extinguishing it harms them and brings misfortune. Even after Islam, in Anatolia, the phrase “extinguishing the hearth” came to mean the end of a family, reflecting the persistence of fire cult. In steppe tradition, newborn babies or new brides were spun around fire to purify them and protect them from evil spirits. Fire divination was also common. In the Manas Epic, Manas’s father Yakup predicts the fates of brides by gazing into the fire.

The Turks performed a ritual called “mouth offering” by pouring fat (tail fat or kımız) into the fire, thus “feeding” it. This shows that fire was perceived as a living being from whom blessings were sought. In ancient Turkic belief, the fire cult and hearth cult are inseparable; therefore, rituals performed around the hearth symbolize both family unity and sacred purity and fertility. Jumping over fire during Nevruz is also done to purify and ensure a prosperous new year.

Water: In Turkic mythology, water is viewed as a source of life and is considered sacred. “Water” and “earth” are often mentioned together (Yer-Su), referring to the guardian spirits of land and water. Still waters (lake, springs) were thought to be inhabited by jinn and iyeler, while rivers were approached with reverence. Many Turkic tribes regarded major rivers as ancestors and recited prayers when crossing them. In the Oğuz Kağan Epic, Oğuz’s respectful greeting to the Idil (Volga) River exemplifies this tradition.

According to the Altai creation myth, the world originally consisted entirely of water; Ülgen, alone above the endless waters, created the first land mass from a substance rising from the bottom of the sea. This motif emphasizes water as the primordial element in Turkic cosmogony. Various mythological beings were imagined around water sources: spirits known as Su iyesi guarded lakes and rivers. Therefore, the Turks carefully avoided polluting water, especially still waters (the term aksu = clean water is significant). Sacrificial rituals were also performed near water: the Kyrgyz offered white animals (beyaz colorful) as sacrifices to the water spirit during droughts.

Traces of reverence for water are also found in Islamic sources. Kaşgarlı Mahmud records the ancient Turkic custom of calling “light-sparkling water” ıdık su, which refers to offerings left for water spirits. Moreover, Chinese sources note that the Turks’ reverence for fire and water was fundamentally tied to their worship of the creator of heaven and earth, Tengri. This statement indicates that the sacredness attributed to water was only comparable to that of the divine. Nevertheless, water’s cleansing and purifying properties made it indispensable in rituals. For example, washing with “pure water” or sprinkling water lightly for purification (water sprinkling before ablution) is an ancient custom. Turkic folktales contain the motif of Ab-ı Hayat (Bengisu), the water of immortality; this water, flowing from beneath the Tree of Life, grants immortality to those who drink it.

In the Book of Dede Korkut, Dirse Han’s son Boğaç Han is revived by his mother, who gives him a magical water after he is wounded, illustrating the motif of the water of life. In the Orkhon Inscriptions, the Turkic khagan boasts, “I did not leave my people hungry, I did not leave them thirsty,” a statement that refers not only metaphorically but also literally to the provision of food and water and reflects the ideal of ensuring prosperity for the nation.

For detailed information on water culture, one may refer to Nagihan Baysal’s work “Water in Turkic Folk Culture.”

Tree: The tree is highlighted in Turkic mythology as the symbol of life and the universe. Turkic communities living in the steppe and forest zones of Central Asia revered long-lived and majestic trees as sacred. The Tree of Life (World Tree) motif holds a central place in Turkic beliefs. This motif depicts a cosmic tree at the center of the world, connecting heaven and earth. According to the Yakut Turks, the world was octagonal, and a great tree rose from its center to the Pole Star (Demirkazık). They called this tree the Iron Tree; the Turks identified the Pole Star, which they called “Demir Pile,” with this world tree.

The Tree of Life is generally thought to have seven or nine branches, each representing a level of heaven or a realm. In Altai myths, the first human is sometimes created beneath a tree, or humans are said to have emerged from trees. For example, in some Altai myths, Ülgen uses a tree growing from the earth to create humans, and people are born from the fruits on its branches.

In the Uyghur origin epic, there is a legend of five children born from a luminous tree emerging from a lake, who become the ancestors of the Uyghur khagans. In this way, the tree is perceived as a fertile mother. One of the most widespread examples of the Tree of Life motif is the Turkic khagan’s belief in the genealogical tree: the Göktürks believed that a sacred pine tree in Ötüken pasture bestowed blessings upon their ruling dynasty. This tree was also a symbol of political legitimacy. Tying prayer cloths and offering sacrifices to sacred trees was a common practice (linked to the Yer-Su belief).

Additionally, trees such as cypress and juniper planted at gravesites were signs of respect for ancestral spirits. In the Orkhon Inscriptions, after the death of Kül Tigin, a balbal was erected, and the phrase “the dry tree turned green” appears, interpreted as signifying the soul’s peace and hope of rebirth.

Although the Tree of Life motif was reinterpreted under Islamic influence (e.g., the Tree of Paradise), it persisted in folktales and seasonal holiday rituals such as Nowruz. Even in the Book of Dede Korkut, the pole planted before Bayındır Han’s tent can be seen as a reflection of the Tree of Life. Trees in Turkic epics could even bestow titles: one of Oğuz Kağan’s grandchildren was named Kıpçak (tree bark) because he emerged from a tree hollow.

The tree in Turkic mythology carries meanings of life, fertility, and connection to the universe and stands at the center of many rituals. Today, Alevi Tahtacı Turks who work in forestry still perform formerly prayer before cutting trees.

Prayer Recited While Cutting Down a Tree (TRT Avaz)

Mountain: For the Turks, mountains were regarded as the closest places to God and as sacred spaces. The sight of high mountain peaks touching the clouds and appearing as blue silhouettes from afar imbued the Turks with a mystical meaning toward mountains. The most sacred mountain of the Central Asian Turks is Ötüken. The Ötüken Mountain was accepted by the Göktürks and Uyghurs as the sacred homeland and protective spirit of the state. Bilge Khagan emphasizes this in the Orkhon Inscriptions: “If you sit in Ötüken, your sovereignty will endure forever.” Ötüken is referred to as an “ıduk yer” (sacred region). The Altai Turks regarded the Altai Mountains as extremely sacred and would not climb to their peaks without purification and permission.

Shamans invoked mountain spirits during rituals and used the phrase “han tengri” (mountain god) in their prayers. Mountains were also commonly regarded as the abode of ancestral spirits. Indeed, in the Oğuz Kağan Epic, Oğuz prays to great mountains. In Turkic mythology, mountains are sometimes directly the throne of God. For example, in Altai myths, the motif of the Golden Mountain established by Ülgen appears. The Kaf Mountain in other mythologies was seen as the Turkish counterpart of iron mountains and associated with the mountain imagery in the Ergenekon legend.

Because of the sacredness attributed to mountains, customs such as leaving offerings when climbing developed. In the 18th century, the academician Lepechin, who studied the Bashkirs, noted that Bashkirs feared climbing the mountain called “Yürekdağ” without leaving offerings (cloths, etc.), indicating the existence of such a mountain cult. This reflects the belief that climbing a mountain without permission angers the mountain spirit. Additionally, rituals such as lighting “mountain lamps” or “candles” honored mountain spirits. Mountains also appear in Turkic epics as safe havens: the iron mountains surrounding the Ergenekon valley enable the Turks’ rebirth. For the Turk, the mountain is a sacred, protective, and powerful entity; oaths were sworn upon it (“I swear by the Mountain of God,” as in Kyrgyz oaths), and kurultays were held at its foothills. Even after Islam, the mountain cult did not disappear. Anatolian eren figures lived in mountains and were revered by the people as mountain saints.

Sacred Objects and Taboos

In Turkic mythology, taboos developed around sacred entities and concepts. Disrespect toward sacred (ıduk) objects was considered a grave sin; behaviors that might offend them were avoided. For example, as mentioned above, spitting on fire or pouring water is strictly taboo. Similarly, it is forbidden to name sacred animals (wolf, eagle, swan, etc.) aloud or to give them names.

A Yakut Turk would never utter the name of his totemic eagle, using nicknames such as “great bird” instead. In many parts of Anatolia, the steppe wolf is referred to as “wolf,” “monster,” or “wild,” as an example of this practice.

Iron was also considered sacred by ancient Turks; striking iron with a knife or cutting bread with it was considered unlucky (because iron was perceived as a “lightning stone” fallen from the sky).

Threshold, as the sacred boundary of the home, remains taboo in Turkic culture, including Anatolia, for stepping upon.

Disrespect toward the dead was a major taboo: specific rules were observed among ancient Turks to avoid offending the souls of the deceased. For example, mourners wore their clothes inside out and scratched their faces. (Ibn Fadlan, in the 10th century, records that among the Oghuzes, mourners wore their clothes inside out and tore their faces, as part of a ritual to appease the dead.)

Similarly, organizing large feasts known as the yog ceremony after the death of a hero was considered a duty.

During these ceremonies, food was offered for both the living and the spirit of the deceased; the deceased’s belongings, horse, and sometimes even his wife were sacrificed (practices observed since the Huns and Göktürk periods). Today, this funeral feast continues under names such as charity, vow, or funeral porridge.

Setting up balbals, erecting stone pillars equal to the number of enemies killed, is another ritual for the soul’s peace. This ritual is mentioned in Göktürk inscriptions and Ibn Fadlan’s travelogue.

The Turks also followed taboos in wish-making rituals: for example, a person making a wish at a sacred site (yatır, tree, spring) would behave respectfully, avoid speaking loudly, and never pluck a leaf from the place.

Another taboo concerns sacred colors and directions. For example, the color white is considered auspicious and sacred, so white animals are sacrificed; conversely, black is associated with misfortune and bad luck. The eastern direction is considered sacred as the direction of sunrise; tents were oriented with their doors facing east. In the Dede Korkut tales, sunrise, sunset, north, and south frequently appear; each direction is associated with specific colors and qualities (blue-east, white-west, black-north, red-south). As a result of these beliefs, for instance, the north (left side) was considered unlucky, while the right hand/right side was regarded as favorable.

Strict taboos were established in Turkic mythology to protect sacred elements; these taboos reflected daily life behaviors and extended to epics. Although some taboos relaxed after the adoption of Islam (e.g., replacing mountain sacrifices with offerings at tombs), many persisted as traditional practices into the present day.

Cosmogony and Creation Myths

Turkic mythology contains rich myths about the creation of the universe and humanity. These cosmogonies often narrate the struggle between a benevolent creator and an opposing malevolent being, as well as the layered structure of the world. The most widespread creation narrative, collected among the Altai and Siberian Turks, is the binary creation motif. According to this myth, at the beginning there was infinite water, and neither earth nor sky had been created.

Only Ülgen (or Kayra Han), a god, floated above. Ülgen sees a small piece of earth on the water; the earth is a mass in human form. Ülgen says, “Let it be!” (“Come to life!”), and the earth takes human form. Ülgen names this first human Erlik. After a while, Erlik desires to become stronger than Ülgen, his creator, and aspires to divinity. He rebels against Ülgen’s command and attempts to disrupt the cosmic order. As punishment, Ülgen banishes Erlik to the underworld, the realm of darkness, and commands him to remain there. Erlik becomes the master of the underworld. Ülgen then sets about creating the earth and heavens. There are different versions regarding the creation of the first humans: in one account, Ülgen expands the earth rising from the water into an island and plants a tree upon it; humans emerge from the fruits on its branches.

In another variant, Ülgen shapes the first humans from clay. Just as he is about to complete them, Erlik breathes evil into them, interfering with their fate. Thus, good and evil coexist within humans. Some sources state that the first man (Ata) was created by Ülgen, while the first woman (Eje or Umay Ana) was created with the help of the goddess Umay or Ülgen’s sister Kıdai.

In Yakut (Saha) Turk myths, the birth goddess Ayısıt, residing in the ninth heaven, creates human souls and sends them into the womb. This is also part of the creation mythology. The Göktürk Inscriptions briefly mention cosmogony: the phrase “When the blue sky above and the fertile earth below were created, humankind was made between them” shows that the Turks accepted a dualistic universe of upper (sky) and lower (earth), with humans existing between them. This phrase emphasizes that human creation is dependent on the creation of sky and earth. Additionally, a fragment of an Uyghur myth in Kaşgarlı Mahmud’s dictionary describes humans as being created from clay, with the creator named “Tengri Bayat,” suggesting Semitic influence. Indeed, some researchers note that the concept of creation ex nihilo (from nothing) entered Turkic creation myths later under Semitic religious influence.

In Altai myths, creation primarily involves shaping existing matter; the idea of creation ex nihilo was adopted later under external influences.

One branch of creation myths is the Flood narrative similar to the Noah’s Flood. Although this theme likely entered Turkic mythology later, it gained widespread popularity. According to one Altai Turk tradition, when humanity declined and strayed from God’s path, the end of the world came: Gök Tanrı Ülgen commanded a faithful servant named Nama to build a ship. Nama built a large ship and filled it with animals. Then a Flood erupted, submerging everything. Nama escaped on his ship. As the waters receded, Nama released a raven, a crow, and a magpie from the ship, but they returned immediately, bringing bad news. He then released a dove, which returned with a twig in its beak. Nama realized the waters had receded and land was visible. Nama and those with him dispersed onto the earth. This flood story clearly originates from the Torah/Bible and spread among the Turks after the adoption of Islam.

In Altai narratives, the ship’s owner “Nama” is named after the prophet Noah. In a tale collected by Anohin, the hero, foreseeing the flood, saves animals by building a boat fastened with iron nails; the flood is said to have been caused by the movement of a frog.

In another tradition, a horned iron goat (mountain goat) announces the flood. It wanders the mountain peaks for seven days, crying out in anguish to warn humans. Clearly, in Turkic cosmogonies, the world is periodically reshaped by a flood. Turkic mythology does not end with creation but also includes a belief in a cosmic end (eschatology). Narratives about the end of the world have been collected among the Altai and Teleüt Turks. According to these, humanity will experience a Day of Judgment, referred to as the “Kalgancı Çağ” (the time of those who will remain era).

In this catastrophic time, humanity will sink deeply into sin, evil will prevail, and people will turn against each other. The god of good, Ülgen, will turn away from these wicked people, and demonic forces (Erlik) will approach the earth. Finally, a terrible war will erupt between good and evil; fire will rain from the sky, earthquakes and volcano eruptions will engulf the world. Millions will die, and only a very few will survive. The sky will be cut from iron, the earth from copper (the sky becoming as solid as iron, the earth as slippery as copper, unable to sustain life current state). Human stature will shrink, and children will no longer recognize their fathers. At the end of this chaos, only the god of good, Ülgen, will survive; he will cry out, “Let the dead rise!” and resurrect the dead.

Thus, the world will begin a new era.

This eschatological myth demonstrates that the Turks embraced a worldview based on the struggle between good and evil. After the adoption of Islam, it continued by drawing parallels with the Islamic belief in the Day of Judgment. In some variants, the signs of the apocalypse merged with Turkic legends. In Teleüt folktales, phrases like “the sky will be iron, the earth copper” describe the end of the world, and this expression survives in popular saying as “When the Iron Pole breaks, the apocalypse comes” (Temir Kazık = North Star, the sky’s pillar).

Turkic creation myths emphasize that the cosmic order was established by divine powers and that humans must pass a test within this order. Binary oppositions (Ülgen-Erlik, good-evil, light-darkness) are prominent. These myths lived long in oral tradition and were recorded in writing in the 19th century by researchers such as Radloff and Potanin. Today, creation motifs remain alive in the legends of Turkic communities such as Altai, Saha (Yakut), and Hakas.

Astronomical Elements: Sun, Moon, Stars, and Layers of the Sky

Turkic mythology contains rich symbols related to the sky and celestial bodies. For the nomadic Turkic peoples who lived under the open sky of the steppe, Gök (Sky) was already the supreme being. Since the sky was perceived as a world connected to the Sun, Moon, and stars, they developed special cults around these elements.

In ancient Turkic belief, the sky was imagined to have up to 17 layers; each layer housed different spirits and deities. At the highest layer, God Ülgen sits on a golden throne with his nine sons and nine daughters. The layers of the sky are the luminous “light world,” contrasting with the dark layers of the underworld as the abode of benevolent spirits.

According to Yakut belief, the Pole Star (Demir Kazık) is at the very top of the sky and serves as the sky’s pillar; all the heavens revolve around this axis. The Turks therefore called the North Star “Demir Kazık,” viewing it as the sky’s nail, never setting. In some myths, the world’s axis ends in a world tree, whose top rests on the Demir Kazık star.

Sun (Kün or Gün) and Moon are sacred celestial bodies in Turkic mythology. Altai Turks call the Sun “Sun Mother” and the Moon “Moon Father,” thus personifying the Sun as feminine and the Moon as masculine, reflecting the Sun’s life-giving, warm, and nourishing qualities and the Moon’s calm, night-lighting nature. Although there were no separate temples for the Sun and Moon in ancient Turkic belief, reverence for them was great. For example, among the Altai Turks, there was a custom of swearing an oath by the Sun; they believed that swearing falsely in the Sun’s name would bring severe punishment.

Greeting the Sun at sunrise was a common practice. Among some Turkic tribes descended from the Oğuz, “Gün öğürmek” (honoring the Sun) is recorded. Ancient Turks accepted that the Sun’s representative on earth was fire. Fire acquired sacredness as a small copy of the Sun. In Yakut folktales, great heroes are protected under the guardianship of the Sun and Moon, as if they were their children. In this belief, the Sun and Moon are concrete deities: Yakut shamans’ robes feature iron and silver rings representing the Sun, and circular white motifs represent the Moon.

In Altai myths, two of Gök Tanrı’s daughters are identified as the Sun and Moon. In some Altai legends, the Sun is a female spirit carrying fire in the sky, while the Moon is a male spirit carrying silver light. Solar eclipse and lunar eclipse are explained in Turkic mythology as attacks by evil spirits on these celestial bodies. According to Altai and Yakut belief, the Sun and Moon sometimes engage in battles with dragons or evil spirits; when the Sun or Moon is defeated in this struggle, an eclipse occurs.

When a solar eclipse occurs, Altai Turks make loud noises, beat drums, and shout, believing this will scare away the evil spirits and rescue the Sun. This ancient tradition continues today among some Turkic and Mongol peoples (during a solar eclipse, pots and pans are clanged).

Similarly, during a lunar eclipse, people lit fires in panic and struck metal objects such as swords and arrows to create noise. In ancient Turkic belief, a lunar eclipse was especially considered unlucky, and sacrifices were made.

Stars, among which the Turks showed the greatest reverence for Çolpan (Zühre, Venus). Çolpan (the Morning Star), being one of the brightest stars in the sky, was regarded as sacred and even personified as a female spirit or goddess in some accounts. Star motifs such as “Çolpan Lady” appear in folktales. In the Turkic calendar, the appearance of Çolpan was considered a seasonal indicator. Additionally, it is known from Kaşgarlı that the Turks named star groups such as Ülker (Pervin, Ürker – Pleiades), Açkarık (Gemini), and Altın Kazık (Pole Star). In daily life, stars were used for navigation and time estimation, and they also found a place in mythology. For example, in the Manas Epic, a hero describes time as “when the seven stars disappeared,” referring to the Ülker (Ürker) star cluster.

In Turkic mythology, lightning and thunder also carry supernatural meanings. According to Altai belief, thunder and lightning are the work of the sky spirits under Ülgen’s command and are controlled by Ülgen. A lightning strike is perceived as a sign from God. Therefore, ancient Turks regarded trees struck by lightning as sacred. If a piece of wood from a lightning-struck tree is collected and preserved, it is believed that evil spirits will never enter that place. Tuva Turks, when lightning strikes, let their hair loose. This is an offering or sign of respect.

The ancient Uyghurs, when thunder rumbled, would shout and shoot arrows; a year later, they gathered at the place where lightning struck and performed a sacrifice, burying the offerings there. This ritual aimed to appease and thank the sky. Such records appear in Chinese sources.

The Turks did not remain indifferent to celestial phenomena; they viewed each as a divine message or sign. The concept of layers of the sky presents an astronomical cosmology. As previously mentioned, Turkic imagination includes seven or nine layers of heaven. In the prayers of Altai shamans, “seven heavens, seven sea, seven underworlds” are recited. The Yakuts divide the sky into three main layers, each with nine sub-layers. At the highest layer is Gök Tanrı; immediately beneath are the palaces of the Sun and Moon; lower layers contain the realms where stars and sky spirits reside. According to some sources, shamans, during trance rituals, ascend through these layers one by one; a shaman who can reach the ninth layer is considered very powerful, and if unable to return, his soul remains eternally in the sky.

This multi-layered universe model demonstrates the depth and hierarchy in the Turkic view of the cosmos. Each layer has different colors and elements (for example, the seventh layer of heaven is described as green in the Er Töştük epic). According to the Yakuts, at the very top of the sky are Gün Ana (Sun Goddess) and Ay Ata; in the layer below are the spirits of the stars. This astronomical cosmology is a significant feature distinguishing Turkic mythology from many other cultures.

Turkic astronomical beliefs also influenced daily life practices. Beliefs such as making wishes upon seeing the new moon or believing that a person’s death occurs when a star falls continue in Anatolia today, with roots in ancient Turkic myths. The custom of shooting arrows toward the sky is still observed symbolically during Nevruz celebrations. This rich astronomical mythology demonstrates that the Turks assigned profound meanings to celestial events and embedded them in their cultural memory.

Epic Tales and Legends: Oğuz Kağan, Ergenekon, Manas, Dede Korkut

The most important carriers of Turkic mythology are oral narratives preserved as epics and legends. These epics were created by reimagining historical events in mythological language and transmitted the collective memory and values of the society across generations. The main Turkic epics include Oğuz Kağan Epic, Ergenekon Legend, Manas Epic, and Dede Korkut Tales.

Oğuz Kağan Epic

The Oğuz Kağan Epic is one of the oldest and most comprehensive epics of the Turkic world. It narrates the birth, youth, conquests, and dispersion of the descendants of Oğuz Kağan, considered the ancestor of the Turks. Although there are different versions, the best-known version is the one written during the Uyghur period and summarized in Rashid al-Din’s Jami’ al-Tawarikh. According to the Oğuz Kağan Epic, Oğuz is a miraculous child born by the grace of Gök Tanrı. At birth, his face shone with a blue light; he refused his mother’s milk from the first day and ate meat, growing rapidly to adulthood.

This extraordinary birth signifies that he is a divinely appointed world ruler. As a child, Oğuz makes a coat from a wolf’s skin and, after praying to Gök Tanrı, becomes an adult overnight. During a feast organized by his father Kara Han, he marries a girl (Gün Hanım) who descends from a red light from the sky. From her, he has three sons (Gün, Ay, Yıldız). Later, he marries a girl (Gök Hanım) found in a tree hollow in the middle of a lake and has three more sons (Gök, Dağ, Deniz). These symbolic marriages represent Oğuz’s union with heaven and earth, signifying his integration with all elements of the world. Oğuz becomes a great khagan at a young age and embarks on campaigns to conquer the world. The epic describes how Oğuz Kağan rules over the sky, earth, and water and subdues all foreign lands.

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He launches raids from China to India, from Egypt to Greek (Anatolia). He defeats the Western ruler Urum (Rûm) Kağan and reaches the West. Upon reaching the Idil River, he devises a plan, builds ships, and crosses it. During these campaigns, a gray wolf from the sky guides Oğuz Kağan, walking ahead of his army and serving as his guide. This motif elevates the steppe wolf as the guiding spirit of the nation. After returning victorious from his campaigns, Oğuz Kağan holds a grand feast and decides to divide his kingdom among his sons. He divides his six sons into two branches: Gün, Ay, and Yıldız form the Bozok branch; Gök, Dağ, and Deniz form the Üçok branch. Oğuz Kağan names the 24 grandchildren from these sons as various tribes, thus explaining the origin of the 24 Oğuz tribes.

This genealogical schema explains the legendary origins of the Oğuz-Turkmen tribes. At the end of the epic, Oğuz Kağan, having completed his mission of conquering the world, prays to God and ascends to the sky or passes his authority to his grandchildren. The Oğuz Kağan Epic stands out for its rich mythological motifs. Light and wolf motifs demonstrate Oğuz’s divine support as a khagan. Additionally, the epic includes magical arrows and bows: when dividing his kingdom, Oğuz Kağan gifts three silver arrows to the Bozok branch and three golden bows to the Üçok branch; these symbolize their future domains (arrows are shot eastward to strike three continents; bows are thrown westward). This detail adds a cosmic prophetic element to the epic. The scene of “shooting arrows toward the sky” in the epic resembles a story told in Chinese sources about Mete Han (Mao-tun), suggesting that the personalities of Oğuz Kağan and Mete were conflated.

Some historians argue that Oğuz Kağan was the Hun ruler Mete. The epic also features a wise figure similar to Dede Korkut: Oğuz Kağan’s vizier Ulugh Beg gives him advice; during the toy (feast), he recites prayers. This figure can be compared to Dede Korkut in the Dede Korkut Tales. The Oğuz Kağan Epic is like a summary of Turkic mythology: a khagan blessed by Gök Tanrı conquers the four corners of the world; with the aid of supernatural beings (wolf, light), he rules the continents; finally, he passes his authority to his sons and reunites with God. In the versions written after the adoption of Islam, Oğuz Kağan was explicitly identified with the Islamic prophet Nuh or Zulkarneyn, and sometimes compared to Alexander. However, at its core, it is a khagan myth born in the Central Asian steppe. This epic was told across generations, especially among the Oğuz tribes (Turkmens, Azerbaijan Turks, Ottomans), as a national legend, with traces found in many sources from Kaşgarlı Mahmud (11th century) to Ebülgazi Bahadır Han (17th century).

Ergenekon Legend

Ergenekon is a legend narrating the rebirth of the Turks. This narrative, found in the shared mythology of the Mongols and Turks, is considered a significant motif regarding the origin of the Göktürks. The earliest source of the legend is Rashid al-Din’s 14th-century work, Jami’ al-Tawarikh.

The legend, in summary, is as follows: One of the Turk (or Mongol) tribes has its homeland invaded by enemies, and a great massacre occurs. Only one young man and one young woman survive from this tribe (in some variants, these two are a married couple or relatives). These two flee from their pursuers and take refuge among unknown mountains. They encounter high iron mountains blocking their path. Finding a crack, they enter and discover a mysterious, fertile valley. This valley, surrounded by mountains, is a paradise cut off from the outside world. They settle in this place, called Ergenekon, multiply, and become a powerful tribe. Four hundred years pass (some versions say longer). The population of Ergenekon increases, animals multiply, and the valley becomes too crowded. They now wish to leave for the outside world, but the surrounding mountains block their exit. The tribe’s wise men decide to melt the iron mountains to create an exit. Skilled blacksmiths build a large furnace at one point on the mountain and begin heating and melting the iron ore.

They burn tons of wood and coal until the iron of the mountain melts and an exit opens. The tribe emerges from Ergenekon, returns to their former homeland, defeats their enemies, and regains their freedom. The tribe that emerged from Ergenekon, the Asena clan, became the ancestors of the Göktürks. The Ergenekon legend became a symbol of rebirth and liberation from captivity for the Turks. When the Göktürks rebelled and established the Second Göktürk Khaganate (late 7th century), they based their legitimacy on this legend. According to tradition, every year on spring day (during Nevruz), the Göktürks held a grand iron tattoo ceremony to celebrate their emergence from Ergenekon. The khagan would hammer the molten iron on an anvil to show the people. This tradition symbolized the breaking of captivity chains and the attainment of freedom. The melting of the iron mountain in Ergenekon was not merely seen as a technological invention but as God’s act of recreating the Turks. The scene of exiting the world through the melted mountain is the climax of the epic, and thanks to this peak, the name Ergenekon became an eternal symbol in Turkic history.

In some variants of the epic, the tribe emerging from Ergenekon is found and brought back to the ancient Turkic homeland by Kök-Börü (Steppe Wolf), integrating the wolf motif of the Göktürk origin myth into the legend. In the Mongol variant, the tribes emerging from Ergenekon are directly linked to the ancestors of Genghis Khan. Rashid al-Din himself notes that he presented the legend in a Mongolized form.

In modern Turkmen or Anatolian Turkmen narratives, Ergenekon is described as a hidden homeland from which people escaped oppression. The phrase “melting the iron mountain” has become a proverb meaning achieving the impossible. Another aspect of the Ergenekon legend is the theme of the sacred mountain. The mountain in the legend is akin to the Kaf Mountain in Middle Eastern mythology. Some researchers have also drawn parallels between the Ergenekon mountains and the Zulqarnayn Wall in the Yajuj-Majuj story from the Quran.

Ergenekon is an epic that serves as a source of hope for Turkic communities during difficult times. In 19th-century Türkiye, this legend was revived, and at the instruction of M. Kemal Atatürk, the Ergenekon Epic was written in Turkish in 1933 and read in Halkevleri. This demonstrates the enduring importance of the legend in the construction of modern national identity.

Manas Epic

The Manas Epic is the national epic of the Kyrgyz Turks and one of the longest epic poems in the world, reportedly exceeding 500,000 lines. This epic is a treasure of Turkic mythology, narrating a three-generation heroic tale centered on the Kyrgyz hero Manas and his sons Semetey and grandson Seytek. The Manas Epic has been preserved and kept alive for generations by oral bards called Manasçı. It incorporates historical events (such as the Kyrgyz struggle against the Kalmuks and Chinese) rendered in mythological language.

The summary of the epic is as follows: Manas is an extraordinary hero born in the Ala Mountains region. In his youth, he gathers forty yiğits (kırk çoro) and unites the Kyrgyz tribes. At that time, the Kyrgyz are under pressure from surrounding Kalmuk (Oyrat) and Chinese (Kıtay) forces. Manas wages wars against these enemies and secures the independence of the Kyrgyz. He also embraces Islam and conducts jihads: he launches raids against non-Muslim peoples and elevates Islam. During this time, he marries Kanıkey in a grand wedding and gains fame for his heroism. Manas’s father is Yakup Han, and his mother is Flower (names vary in different versions). Manas is killed by poison through treachery in battle. His forty yiğits and the people mourn him deeply and bury him with a grand yog ceremony. His son Semetey grows up and avenges his father; then his grandson Seytek enters the scene. The mythological aspect of the epic arises from the interweaving of shamanic motifs and Islamic elements. A notable point is that although the epic is adorned with Islamic motifs, its essence is thoroughly filled with ancient Turkic beliefs. For example, Manas and his companions frequently speak of “jihad against infidels” and carry large Qurans. Manas is even praised as the “lion of Allah.” However, examining the entire narrative, it becomes clear that shamanic elements dominate.

Before Manas’s birth, his mother dreams of an old man with a white beard entering her, the forty yiğits each being protected by a spirit, Manas’s battles with mythic creatures like the Alp Karğa (giant eagle), and the use of magic and musk are all reflections of ancient beliefs. Sacred places like Ötüken and divine names like Bay Ülgen are also mentioned in the epic. When Manas dies, the Kyrgyz sacrifice hundreds of sheep and hold a great feast (yoğ) for him; they erect as many balbals at his grave as the enemies he killed. All these customs are pre-Islamic Turkic death rituals, vividly preserved in the epic.

Abdülkadir İnan states on this topic, “The Manas Epic is filled with shamanic traditions from beginning to end,” emphasizing that the epic’s original structure has been preserved.

The Manas Epic is also rich in mythological motifs of supernatural birth and heroism. Before Manas’s birth, his mother dreams of a white stallion, and it is said that Manas was conceived from the spirit of this stallion, possibly reflecting the shamanic motif of spiritual conception. When Manas is born, fairies are said to rock his cradle. Manas has a legendary horse named Ak-Kula; this at, like Sleipnir in Scandinavian myths, is a being that can speak and fly. Manas’s weapons are also sacred; his sword is not ordinary iron but forged with the sound of thunder. These elements add mythological color to the epic.

The Manas Epic has served as a carrier of Kyrgyz identity for generations and was secretly preserved by Manasçı even during the Soviet period. The epic was first written down in 1885 by the Kazakh Turkologist Şökeh Valihanov, and later large portions were collected and published by famous Manasçı Sagimbay Orozbakov and Sayakbay Karalayev. Today, in Kyrgyzstan, the Manas Epic is recognized as a national symbol; the “Kümböz” near Talas, believed to be Manas’s tomb, is a memorial museum. The epic has also been included in UNESCO’s list of Intangible Cultural Heritage. This immense epic is like an open-air museum of Turkic mythology: it blends a wide spectrum of beliefs, from pre-Islamic tengricism and shamanic magic to ancestor worship and Islamic expressions.

Dede Korkut Tales

The Book of Dede Korkut, or the Tales of Dede Korkut, is a collection of epic tales of the Oğuz Turks, with written manuscripts dating to the 15th century. These tales were shaped during the period when the Oğuz tribes had just adopted Islam and were transmitted orally from generation to generation. The book contains twelve tales, each narrating the adventures of a hero from the Oğuz tribes. At the beginning and end of each tale, the advice and interventions of Dede Korkut, the bearded sage, appear; hence, the collection is named after him. Dede Korkut can be considered a real poet or shaman; he occupies the role of the narrator of the Oğuznâmes.

The Dede Korkut Tales are the most important written witness to Turkic mythology in the post-Islamic period. Islamic elements are evident in these tales: heroes pray to Allah, invoke Hazret-i Ali, and perform prayer. However, the underlying structures and motifs are rooted in ancient Turkic legends. For example, the Tale of Tepegöz is one of the most mythic stories in the Book of Dede Korkut. Tepegöz is a giant with a single eye on his forehead who devours human flesh. The Oğuz people suffer greatly because of this creature. Eventually, the hero Basat traps Tepegöz in his cave and kills him by removing his eye. Tepegöz’s life in a cave, luring and devouring people, resembles the giant motif found in southern Siberian folktales.

This demonstrates that the Dede Korkut Tales recreate Central Asian-origin fairy tale motifs within the post-Islamic Oğuz context. The heroes in the tales (Salur Kazan, Bayındır Han, Bamsı Beyrek, Dirse Han, Blood Turalı, etc.) are representatives of the Oğuz tribes and semi-legendary, semi-historical figures. For example, the tale of Bamsı Beyrek deals with the “alp lover” theme; Bamsı Beyrek is imprisoned for 16 years and, upon returning, finds his betrothed married to another; he undergoes various trials to win her back. Motifs such as escaping from an underworld prison and receiving aid from spirits are discernible. In the tale of Salur Kazan’s house being plundered, the heroism of Kazan Bey’s son Uruz is narrated; there are dramatic scenes where Kazan attempts to sacrifice himself for his son, who stops him by saying, “Father, how will you face your wife after sacrificing me?” These scenes emphasize the importance of the alp-son relationship and family honor.

Dede Korkut himself, throughout the tales, travels the land, gives advice, and names people. At the end of each tale, Dede Korkut appears, evaluates the events, and concludes with a prayer. For example, Dede Korkut names Bamsı Beyrek and prays at Salur Kazan’s table. This figure is the continuation of the pre-Islamic kam/ozan type. In the Dede Korkut Tales, mythological elements are covered with Islamic layers. In the tale of Basat killing Tepegöz, Tepegöz’s origin is described as follows: a peri girl enters into a relationship with a man and gives birth to Tepegöz. This clearly reflects the motif of a creature born from a relationship between a peri (jinn) and a human. In ancient Turkic folktales, peris or spirits marry humans and have children (e.g., the motif of mythical marriages). Again, the motif of Azrail and wrestling frequently mentioned in the tales (e.g., Deli Dumrul’s struggle with Azrail and bargaining for his life) is an Islamic version of the ancient theme of battling the soul-taking god Erlik.

In the Book of Dede Korkut, the main elements of Turkic mythology—sacred places, totem animals, and magical objects—also appear. For example, the “Kara konuk ağacı” (Black Guest Tree) is mentioned; this may be a reflection of the Tree of Life. The giants who attack Salur Kazan’s herds are continuations of ancient mythical monsters. The horse cult is also very important here: every alp has a famous horse (like Bamsı Beyrek’s), and horses are as if emotional beings like humans. These horses sometimes save their owners, weep with them. The Dede Korkut Tales, written in the 15th–16th centuries, reflect a period when Oğuz culture was blended with Islamic motifs and provide rich information about the vernacular language and traditions. For example, hospitality, respect for elders, and heroism are central themes. Some of these values originate from the pre-Islamic tengricist worldview. The Dede Korkut Tales demonstrate the vitality of Turkic mythology in the late period. Academic circles have established that motifs like Tepegöz are rooted in Central Asia. Bahaeddin Ögel also notes that the motifs in Dede Korkut are based on the essence of Turkic mythology, with only a superficial Islamic veneer. Indeed, the core of the tales lies in the pre-Islamic epic narratives of the Oğuz Turks, and Islam did not erase them but added a new layer of meaning.

The Book of Dede Korkut is a document showing how Turkic mythological elements continued in the Anatolian geography. Thanks to this work, we can now understand the epic world of the Oğuz. The heroes and motifs of Dede Korkut are still alive today. For example, the term “Tepegöz” can be used to describe someone with a large build or a one-eyed person; the phrase “Deli Dumrul” can describe a reckless person. This demonstrates the influence of the epic as it has seeped from mythology into language.

Sources

Our knowledge of Turkic mythology has reached us through various period written sources and a rich oral cultural heritage. These sources, collected across different geographies and times, illuminate various aspects of Turkic mythology.

The earliest written records are the Chinese annals and sources. From the 3rd century BCE, Chinese records contain legendary information about the Huns and other Turkic peoples. For example, the Northern Wei historical texts narrate the steppe wolf legend regarding the origin of the Göktürks. Chinese sources also present stories about Mete Han (Mao-tun) in a mythical style, using mythological elements to describe Mete’s youth. As Ögel noted, Mete’s (identified with Oğuz Kağan) youth is recorded in Chinese annals in a folkloric style, while his adulthood is described in a realistic historical style.

Another legend recorded in Chinese sources is the Aşina legend: a small Turkic child survives a battle, is rescued by a female wolf, becomes pregnant, and gives birth to ten children who become the ancestors of the Göktürks. This record is the original version of the Göktürk origin myth of descent from a female wolf and appears in the Chou Book. Additionally, the Chinese mention the Turkic custom of shooting arrows toward the sky: when thunder rumbled or during epidemics, the Turks shot arrows into the sky and shouted. This information is interpreted as a ritual to send news to Gök Tanrı or to drive away evil spirits. Chinese chronicles also record that the Uyghurs welcomed lightning strikes, and they buried sacrifices at the site where lightning fell.

All these Chinese sources demonstrate that the fundamental motifs of Turkic mythology (wolf, arrow, mountain, sky) were recorded in very ancient times. Alongside Chinese annals, mythological information about the Turks can also be found in Sogd and Syriac sources and Byzantine records (e.g., the Byzantine envoy Zemarchus noted in his travelogue that the Turks worshipped a golden statue, likely dedicated to Gök Tanrı).

Among pre-Islamic Turkic written sources, the most important are the Orkhon Inscriptions (Göktürk Tablets) (8th century). These runic stone inscriptions reflect the official discourse of the Göktürk state and also touch on mythological elements. Particularly in the inscriptions of Bilge Khagan and Ash Tigin, phrases about the creation of heaven and earth, the belief that khagans received “kut” from God, and references to Umay Ana’s protective role are found. The phrase “Above, God; below, fertile earth was created; between them, humankind was made” is a crucial sentence revealing the Göktürks’ cosmological understanding.

Again, in the inscriptions, Bilge Khagan, addressing his people, says, “I became khagan by God’s will,” showing that the belief in Gök Tanrı legitimized the state. Umay is mentioned in the Kül Tigin inscription, where his mother is compared to “a blessed woman like Umay,” demonstrating that Umay was known as a protective and sacred spirit. The Orkhon Inscriptions also mention some mythological traditions: for example, there are lines referring to the “yog” (yuğ) ceremony, indicating that the Turkic custom of funeral porridge (ölü aşı) was already present in the 8th century. Besides the Orkhon Tablets, other ancient Turkic runic inscriptions, such as the Yenisey Inscriptions, sometimes contain mythological images (e.g., an inscription mentions the phrase “we offered a sacrifice to Gök Tanrı”).

Post-Islamic historians and works played a critical role in recording Turkic mythology. The 13th–14th century Persian historian Rashid al-Din, in his work Jami’ al-Tawarikh on Mongol and Turkic history, extensively discusses the Oğuz Kağan Epic and the Ergenekon Legend. Although Rashid al-Din’s texts contain some variations, they are among the earliest Islamic-era records of these Turkic epics. Particularly, the Ergenekon Legend was preserved thanks to him.

In the 17th century, the Khwarezm ruler Ebülgazi Bahadır Han, in his works Şecere-i Terakime (Genealogy of the Turkmen) and Şecere-i Türk, narrates the Oğuz Kağan and origin epics linked to his own genealogy. Ebülgazi identifies Oğuz Han with the son of Prophet Nuh, Yapeth (Yafes), and lists Oğuz’s sons as Yafes’s grandchildren. The motifs of the steppe wolf, light, and sky maidens are preserved in his version of the Oğuzname. Bahaeddin Ögel considers Ebülgazi’s work one of the most important sources of Turkic mythology. However, at the time Ögel wrote (1970s), a complete Turkish translation of Ebülgazi’s works was not available.

Islamic geographers and historians also recorded some mythological elements. The 10th-century traveler Ibn Fadlan, during his journey to the Volga Bulgars, observed shamanistic practices among the Oğuz, Bulgarian, and Pecheneg Turks. Ibn Fadlan’s writings include details about Oğuz funeral rites, animal and property sacrifices, and mourning rituals. For example, he writes that the Oğuz mourned for seven days after burial, offering “yog aşı” (funeral porridge) for the spirit of the deceased. He also observes that the Oğuz cut their faces and wore their clothes inside out while lamenting the dead.

Ibn Fadlan also notes that a Bashkir tribe regarded a mountain as their idol, and the Bashkirs revered this mountain as sacred (this mountain is likely a peak in the Ural foothills). These records show that some practices labeled by Islamic geographers as “idolatry” were rooted in Turkic mythological beliefs.

Kaşgarlı Mahmud’s Divanü Lügati’t-Türk is also an indirect source of mythology. While compiling a dictionary of Turkic languages, Kaşgarlı recorded many example sentences and cultural notes. For example, when explaining the word “Umay,” he interprets it as a angel or peri but also notes that it was the ancient Turkic goddess protecting children. He also gives “kam” as the equivalent of “shaman.” He defines “yag” (yuğ) as a meal offered after a death. He explains the word “Öd” (spirit).

Kaşgarlı’s notes are valuable because they show the presence of Turkic mythological concepts in the language of the time. For example, in the 11th century, although Islam was widespread among the Oğuz Turks, Kaşgarlı mentions the custom of leaving food for the dead while they were still alive (yuğ aşı), demonstrating that the shamanic “feeding the dead” ritual was still practiced.

Oral tradition has been the carrier of Turkic mythology for centuries. Many legends, epics, and folktales that were never written down survived through bards and minstrels. The Kyrgyz Manasçılar, Kazakh Jırşılar, Oğuz/Turkmen aşık and ozan, and Altai kayçılar transmitted mythological material through music and poetry.

In the 19th century, Russian Turkologist Wilhelm Radloff and Finnish traveler G. Potanin collected and published Turkic folktales and legends from Siberia and Central Asia. Radloff’s work Proben der Volksliteratur and Potanin’s notes contain creation myths and epic fragments told by Altai and Yakut shamans. Thanks to these oral sources, our current knowledge exists.

For example, a creation story told by an Altai bard (the story of Ülgen and Erlik shaping humans from clay) or descriptions of the world tree and sky journeys in Yakut shamanic prayers were transcribed and added to the mythological inventory. In Anatolia, oral tradition preserved many Central Asian-origin legends. Had the Dede Korkut Tales not been written down in the 15th century in the Akkoyunlu court, they might have been forgotten, but folk bards had kept them alive for generations.

Saltukname and other menkibe books, while narrating the legends of Sarı Saltuk, carry fragments of ancient Turkic beliefs (e.g., Sarı Saltuk’s dragon killing). In epics like Battal Gazi and Danişmendname, Turkic folk motifs continued under the guise of Islamic heroism.

Today, studies on Turkic mythology aim to integrate these diverse sources to complete the picture. Thanks to these studies, previously archived sources are coming to light, and traces in living culture are being identified.